2015年8月4日星期二

1960.8.4秦皇岛市粮食局开展三反运动的计划

至迟到1960年夏季,河北当局就已经意识到高昂的大跃进口号无法掩盖正在发生的严重粮食问题,为此中共河北省委第一书记林铁于196072日在《河北日报》发表文章《开展一个马克思主义的改进领导方法、领导作风的运动》(《人民日报》于713日转载,全文见附件),号召推行“二五制”、反对官僚主义,试图以此提高劳动生产率。所谓“二五制”,就是干部每周两天在机关工作、开会、学习,剩下五天到基层或下乡调查、研究、工作,这样的结果就是除少数干部留在机关主持工作外,大部分干部都在基层直接领导和劳动。显然单单改变领导方法和作风号召是不足以解决饥荒问题的,但应该说这在当时对于避免浮夸风加剧、防止事态恶化还是比较及时并且起到一定作用的。
粮食局是直接负责粮食收购、储存、分配和供应的机构,所以秦皇岛粮食局除反对官僚主义作风外,还习惯性地结合反对贪污盗窃和反对铺张浪费发起了三反运动。从下面的文件就可以看出,这场运动是比较温和的,然号召群众大鸣大放、检举揭发,但又强调要“始至终很好掌握政策,反复向群众贯彻政策”,处理责任人要采取“教育为主,惩办为辅”的方法,原则是“惩前毖后,治病救人”,以此来“解除思想顾虑,彻底交待问题”。
石家庄市在差不多同一时间,针对粮食供应的问题也开展了一场三反运动,但运动的范围、内容、长度同秦皇岛市略有不同。据《石家庄市粮食志》,“19609月中共石家庄市委决定在全市工业、财贸、文教、政府四个系统开展粮食整风"三反"(反贪污盗窃、反糟蹋浪费、反虚报冒领)运动。市委成立了粮食整风办公室,采取"四大"(大宣传、大造声势、大搞揭发、大整改)和"三边"(边查、边改、边定案)的措施。这一运动自19609月初开始,年底结束。共揭发出冒领、贪污盗窃国家粮食793.95万公斤,对360个重点人进行了处理。” http://www.sjz.gov.cn/col/1275395500893/2004/10/10/1275396631398.html

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中共秦皇岛市粮食局总支
关于立即深入开展三反运动的计划
我局全体职工,在党的正确领导和总路线的光辉照耀下,经过历次政治运动,特别是通过1959年的伟大整风运动和社会主义教育运动,广大职工干部思想觉悟空前提高,因此,有力地保证了各项工作的完成。当前全体职工干部忠心耿耿,勤勤恳恳,任劳任怨,正在沿着1960年上半年的胜利道路而努力奋斗着。
但是应该看到,随着我国的社会主义事业飞跃发展,粮食机构的不断变化,随之粮食战线上的干部队伍也不断壮大和增加,加之目前在机关中,领导干部的官僚主义作风和强迫命令,铺张浪费又有所滋长,职工中的贪污、腐化、占公家便宜、公私不分以及违法乱纪等行为也逐渐抬头。为了适应新的跃进形势,迅速克服和□□这种不良倾向,改进工作方法,改进工作作风,进一步密切党群关系,更好地完成1960年各项工作任务,兹根据上级指示精神,决定在我局开展一个以反对官僚主义为中心,以推行二五制目地,结合反对贪污盗窃,铺张浪费等行为的轰轰烈烈的三反运动。兹将组织领导和方法步骤时间要求作如下安排:
一、组织建立及领导方法:为了加强对三反运动的领导,经研究决定成立三反领导小组,由高鸣同志挂帅,尹占一、杨子峰、李子荣、李向阳等五人组成,下设三反办公室,由李向阳、高乃质、高良必、王淑杰负责办公室具体工作。
二、运动开展前,除向全体职工干部作启发动员报告外,还要根据本单位的具体情况,摸清底数,掌握重点,作好分类排队,为此,在机关内,重点以揭发和批判领导上的官僚主义,清扫官僚主义灰尘,同时还要反对铺张浪费和五多、五少以及贪污盗窃和违法乱纪等行为。
三、时间要求:由七月中旬日起暂规定每周一、三、五和礼拜日晚上两小时到八月中旬止,整个运动大体分为三个阶段。第一阶段由现在起到七月底为学习阶段。首先要开好三个会,即党支部委员会,党、团员会,全体干部会,认真研究上级有关开展三反运动的指示精神,结合本单位的具体情况摸清底数,掌握重点,同时组织党、团员和全体干部要用一周的时间学习林铁同志关于“开展一个马克思主义的改进领导方法,领导作风的运动”的文献和其它有关文件,使之人人明确开展三反运动的重大意义,给深入开展三反运动奠定思想基础。
第二阶段,即八月上旬,为大鸣大放阶段,在这阶段里强调组织为大兵团作战,向重点展开围剿,彻底揭露和批判官僚主义和命令主义以及违法乱纪等现象,为此,必须作好练兵工作,划分两条战线,(三反和业务两条战线)保证做到三反工作两不误。
第三阶段,即八月下旬为整改建树制度,进行总结阶段,这里我们本着鸣放出来的所有问题,加以归纳整理,分析原因,订立制度,堵塞各种漏洞,并作出全面总结,发动职工干部以五好干部条件为内容订立个人跃进规划,再次掀起红旗竞赛高潮,以推动工作不断跃进。
四、开展方法和应注意的几个问题:
1.鉴于当前我市干旱尚未解除,抢荒、夏锄正在蓬勃开展,加之粮食工作正处于繁忙季节,大批人员均已外出催调,因此,根据上级指示精神,本着“大忙、小搞,小忙、大搞,中忙、中搞”的原则,要立即行动起来,在党内外进行动员报告,组织学习有关文件,座谈、讨论,在提高思想觉悟的基础上,组织职工鸣放,张贴大字报,成立接待室,建立检举箱,领导代头检查,引火烧身,外出人员一方面要对本机关近来存在问题大胆揭发检举外,还要检查自己。在运动中还要注意充分发动群众依靠党、团员积极分子,积极训练骨干分子,以便使三反运动建立在可靠的群众基础之上。
2.群众发动起来后,要根据运动发展的情况,结合揭发出来的问题,要逐个分析,按条研究。属于领导方面的问题,一定要认真检查,属于个人问题可根据政策界限结合本人交代程度,进行处理,这样能够争取多数,孤立少数,不断扩大骨干队伍;对问题较严重者,应采取边揭发边验证的方法,查清对实,审核处理,总之,我们要根据具体情况,本着“严肃慎重,区别对待”的方针,掌握惩前毖后,治病救人的原则,作好组织处理工作。此外在运动中,我们要由始至终很好掌握政策,反复向群众贯彻政策,指出坦白从宽,抗拒从严,教育为主,惩办为辅的方针,以解除思想顾虑,彻底交待问题。同时要科学地作好安排,三反运动和业务工作要密切结合,真正作到业务是中心,三反是动力,通过三反运动的开展来推动工作的更大跃进。
为了大力支援农业,使三反运动结得丰硕之果,我们在开展三反运动的同时,还要积极推行“二五制”。以便改进领导方法,深入基层解决问题,推动工作。据此,根据我单位的具体情况,除了米厂、仓库要随时深入基层,车间了解情况外,并要保证拿出70-80%的力量参加生产管理生产。机关科室干部根据当前情况,除留一名书记(局长)在机关处理日常工作外,其余领导全部轮流下去,率领干部深入基层,进行工作,并将所有干部划分为两条战线。
第一条战线用的30%人数留在机关内,采取“二五制”的形式,在一周内用两天的时间学习,开会,研究工作,五天时间深入基层参加生产,深入基层的重点主要以仓库和米厂的加工部以及粮站为重点。
第二条战线,即用70%的力量深入到农村与社队挂勾,在每十天内,三天回机关汇报农村生产情况,研究和处理存在问题,七天深入社队直接参加生产,深入食堂,帮助建好家底,安排好社会生活,作到一员顶三员(即管理员,炊事员,会计员)。
总之,通过推行二五制,一定要作到领导作风大改变,深入基层作到五同,官僚主义随风扫,生产工作满堂红。

出处:秦皇岛市档案馆150-101-1112





附件
开展一个马克思主义的改进领导方法、领导作风的运动
中共河北省委第一书记 林铁
《人民日报》1960713

我们的社会主义建设连续跃进的高潮,正在顺利发展。在这种形势下,不断地改进领导方法和领导作风,是调整生产关系和上层建筑的一个重要方面,是保证我们正确地贯彻执行党的总路线,胜利实现各项任务、推动持续跃进的一个关键。
毛泽东同志曾经不断指示我们,有了正确的路线,还必须有正确的领导方法和工作方法。领导方法、领导作风,必须适应已经改变了的政治情况和建设形势的需要,进行不断的改进。目前,在社会主义建设蓬勃发展持续跃进的形势下面,我省各级党的组织,正在普遍展开一个推行吴桥县“二五制”领导方法和反对官僚主义作风的运动。这是根据党中央和毛泽东同志的指示,在全党和各级机关中进行的一次马克思主义的改进领导方法、领导作风的整风运动。这是我们全省的一件大事。这次运动的开展,必将在全省干部特别是各级领导干部中进一步清除官僚主义的灰尘,必将在思想作风和工作方法方面引起一个新的重大的变革,从而更充分地调动广大群众的革命积极性,进一步提高劳动生产率,大大推动蓬勃发展着的社会主义建设事业更加多快好省地前进。
吴桥县的“二五制”领导方法,是今年春天适应人民公社和连续大跃进形势发展的需要,在学习毛泽东思想,总结大跃进以来许多行之有效的先进领导经验的基础上产生的。它的主要内容是:在一周之内,从县到公社、管理区各级干部,以两天时间开会、研究工作和学习理论,以五天时间深入到生产小队参加生产、领导生产。在人民公社和连续大跃进的形势下,吴桥县委深刻地体验到,生产队和生产小队是农村生产和各项工作的第一线,加强生产队的领导(特别是深入加强落后队的工作),对于巩固和提高人民公社具有重要意义,因此,抽调了大批脱产干部长期固定到生产队和生产小队安家落户,并且明确提出所有下乡干部都要使工作和劳动落脚于生产小队。吴桥县根据城关公社的经验,经过一段试验,在全县普遍实行了“二五制”的领导方法,并作了一系列的不断改进和具体补充,形成了一套比较完整的领导制度。根据吴桥县几个月来坚持贯彻和不断改进的实践经验来看,“二五制”的领导方法,不仅是妥善地安排了各级干部深入工作、参加生产和学习理论的时间,使干部的工作、劳动、学习很好地结合起来;更重要的是,它表现了领导方法、工作方法上的不断革命精神,把干部参加劳动、种试验田、参加生产领导生产、加强第一线等一系列的行之有效的办法加以系统化、条理化,集中起来加以坚持,并在这个基础上不断改进和提高;它正确地体现了党和毛泽东同志经常指示的“从群众中来,到群众中去”,“集中起来,坚持下去”的群众路线的领导原则,保证了各级各部门干部以多数时间更加切实地深入基层,深入第一线,与一日千里飞跃发展的跃进形势,与大量出现并不断发展的新鲜事物、新的问题保持紧密联系,使广大干部的思想能够更加准确地反映实际;它使广大干部和群众息息相关,更深地在群众中扎根,使领导与群众更好地结合,干部的领导和群众的创造互相促进;同时,它也保证了干部学习理论和深入实践的正确结合,有助于广大干部不断提高马克思列宁主义理论水平,从而使广大干部迅速成熟和提高起来。“二五制”的领导方法,是贯彻党的马克思主义领导方法,贯彻群众路线领导方法的一个生动的创造,是对于毛泽东同志指示我们的“一般和个别相结合,领导和群众相结合”的领导方法的具体贯彻执行。
经过1958年、1959年连续大跃进和农村人民公社的巩固发展,我们已经找到了一条既是高速度又是按比例的持续大跃进的建设道路,使社会主义建设进入一个新的阶段。1960年上半年以来,我们河北省所有城市、农村,和全国各地一样,确实出现了更加宏伟的新的跃进局面。在广大农村,展开了同几十年来没有过的干旱现象进行斗争,从各方面支援农业、支援抗旱、支援水利建设,夺取农业丰收的伟大的群众运动。就在这样严重干旱的条件下,我们仍然获得了夏收大体不低于去年的产量。在工业、农业及其他战线上,正在深入发展着具有伟大历史意义的技术革新和技术革命运动。全省中等以上城市,已经基本上实现了城市的人民公社化,正在发展着大办群众服务事业的运动;不论城市和农村,广大群众生活集体化和公共食堂的新兴事业,已经巩固发展起来。在文教战线上,掀起了更加深刻的教育革命、文化革命运动。特别是在广大干部和几百万工农群众中,普遍掀起了学习毛泽东思想的高潮,展开了马克思列宁主义大普及运动。在这些运动中,广大工人、农民和知识分子,表现了空前未有的革命热情,表现了无限的智慧和创造力量,表现了对于加速现代化建设,迅速改变落后面貌的一致要求和迫切愿望。正如毛泽东同志所说的,我国六亿多人民在党的领导之下,认清了自己的前途和自己的责任,我们党和人民的精神状态更加奋发了,我们现在看见了从来没有看见过的人民群众在生产战线上这样高涨的积极性和创造性。随着大跃进形势的发展,生产关系和上层建筑也在进行不断变革和调整。一年多以来,各级干部特别是领导干部的工作作风、工作方法,都有不断的改进。经过毛泽东思想的学习运动和总路线、大跃进、人民公社的伟大实践,广大干部对社会主义建设的规律有了更深刻的了解,工作自觉性大大提高,思想进一步解放,工作作风更加深入。在去年一年中,全省干部平均每人参加劳动三十八点二天,今年比去年有更大的发展,据两个市和一部分县前五个月的统计,平均每个干部参加劳动三十一天多。许多领导干部经常深入基层,与群众同吃同住同劳动。这就使社会主义劳动者内部之间的关系,领导者与被领导者之间的关系,干部和群众之间的关系,得到了不断的调整,大大鼓舞了人民群众的积极性,促进了生产的不断跃进。这是必然的。不可能设想,没有党中央和毛泽东同志这样高度成熟的马克思列宁主义的领导,没有不断革命思想的指导和无产阶级的坚强意志,没有和生产力发展相适应的并且随着生产力的发展不断调整和健全的新型的生产关系和上层建筑,而能够出现如此生气勃勃的伟大建设局面。只有那些丧失革命意志、背离阶级群众、企图在社会主义革命的道路上停滞下来,并且准备时机实行资本主义复辟的右倾机会主义、修正主义者,才会被群众的革命行动吓得目瞪口呆,污蔑我国广大群众的革命创造运动为“左倾冒险主义”、“小资产阶级狂热性”等等。这恰恰反映了他们资产阶级代理人的丑恶面貌。
从我们国家的内外形势来看,我们必须加快建设的速度,使我国更快地强盛起来。我们当前的任务是力争农业和工业的高速度发展,必须进一步贯彻以农业为中心的方针,力争加速使农业过关,工业要从各方面进一步支援农业,以便大大加速实现工农业现代化的伟大进程,使工业、农业和各项建设都以大跃进的高速度,实现一个更大的飞跃。这不仅将迅速改变我国的落后面貌,而且对于更加壮大以苏联为首的社会主义阵营的力量,壮大国际共产主义运动的力量,加速社会主义完全战胜资本主义的进程,具有重大意义。
为了加速实现摆在我们面前的伟大建设任务,必须适时地正确地不断解决生产关系和生产力、上层建筑和经济基础之间的矛盾,不断为社会主义生产力的持续高速度发展开辟广阔的道路。
我们广大干部的领导方法、思想作风,同当前社会主义建设全面连续大跃进的形势是否已经完全适应了呢?是不是还存有矛盾呢?总的说,是适应的,但是也存在着一些不够适应的方面。在一部分干部中,还存在着领导水平不高,工作作风不够深入的问题,还存在着某种程度的官僚主义习气。所谓领导水平不高,主要表现在一部分干部特别是一部分县社基层干部,他们工作热情很高,革命干劲很足,这都是非常好的,但是有一些同志对于社会主义建设的客观规律还认识和掌握得不够,还缺乏充分的自觉性,不善于运用马克思列宁主义的观点和方法研究问题和总结经验。他们做了很多工作,取得了很多经验,但不能很好地集中起来,加以分析,使之条理化、系统化,提高到理论的高度,加以运用和推广。我们也有的同志还不善于正确处理人民公社内部的各种关系,等等。所谓工作作风不够深入,就是在一部分机关特别是县以上某些部门中,还存在着一些官僚主义习气。一部分领导干部,习惯于坐办公室,忙于开会、发文件、填表报、要数字等这样一种领导方法,很少深入基层、深入群众,下面情况有了很大的发展和变化,他们仍然沿用老一套的方法处理问题,对于新鲜事物和群众创造缺乏敏锐的感觉。新事物产生了,不能很好地发现,即使发现了,也不能很好地总结推广。这样就不能把各种工作越做越细致。所有这些问题,都必然使我们有些机关、有些部门、有些干部领导落后于形势,落后于群众,落后于实际运动,不能适应连续跃进形势的需要,障碍生产力的发展。这就要求各级领导、各级干部必须适应形势的发展,在领导方法和工作作风上坚持进行不断革命,不断清除官僚主义的灰尘。各项工作都必须既要大搞群众运动,又要切实深入、越做越细致。我们在深入群众、深入工作的基础上,必须更加系统地加强马克思列宁主义、毛泽东同志著作的学习,进一步提高各级干部的马克思列宁主义的领导水平,以更加适应连续大跃进形势的需要。这种形势,正是吴桥县“二五制”领导方法产生的客观基础。
现在,全省正在开展一个以推行“二五制”为中心的改进领导方法、领导作风的运动。“二五制”的领导方法所体现的基本原则,不仅适合于农村,而且适合于城市和厂矿企业;不仅适合于县以下的各级组织,而且适合于省市领导机关。因此,从今春以来,我们就在全省各级机关加以推广。在4月中旬左右,全省市、县两级党委,都先后召开会议进行了研究讨论,对于领导方法、工作作风问题进行检查总结,提出了在本地区推行的具体措施。根据最近了解,全省大多数的市、县,对推行“二五制”改进领导是很重视的,一部分市县并且有许多新的发展和创造。唐县县委根据各地区情况,将“二五制”具体为“一一三二制”(即一周内,一天开会,一天学习,三天蹲点,两天转面),还总结了本地区的“一包一专”(“一包”是包社、包队、包战线,思想、生产、生活一齐抓;“一专”是在掌握全面工作的同时,还要钻研一项工作或一种作物),“十到方”(思想和生产的领导深入方田),“三结合”(经常工作和突击工作结合,生产工作和群众工作结合,中心工作和部门工作结合)等一系列的具体方法。他们在培养干部方面,提出通过“一包一专”开展“一专多能、一通百通”的多面手运动,有相当一批干部已经取得了显著成绩。全省山区各县份,根据山区居住分散、交通不便的情况,一般实行了“三七制”的方法(即十天之内,三天回来开会、研究工作和学习理论、政策,七天深入基层工作,参加生产、领导生产)在城市中,天津市根据工业生产的特点,推行了内燃机厂根据“二五制”的精神实行的“一二三制”,即每周内,一天学习政治理论,两天研究总结工作,三天深入第一线,深入车间跟班劳动,参加生产领导生产。内燃机厂党委为了解决战线分工和深入车间的矛盾,采取了把业务工作带到车间,党政工团分头包车间和搞“试验田”结合,各部门、各科室之间实行“下去一把抓,回来再分家”的办法,并使固定力量和机动力量相结合等措施,收到显著效果。现在天津市已有六百多个工厂实行了这个办法。天津市工业行政领导部门,则推广了市冶金局的“一三二制”(即一周内,一天学习,三天开会和处理日常工作,两天深入基层)。这些,都是“二五制”领导方法的具体化。在省级机关,为了改进领导,准备执行“一四七制度”,即各部门负责干部每年有一个月时间离职学习,四个月下乡下厂深入基层和参加劳动,七个月处理领导机关工作和开会;同时在领导机关执行“一二三制”,即每周一天学习,两天开会研究工作,三天处理日常工作。现在,大多数机关实行了由一个负责干部在机关主持日常工作,多数负责同志带领干部下乡作调查、研究问题、总结经验的办法。实行这些办法的结果,大部分干部走出了办公室,工作开始深入下去,就地研究解决问题,加强了第一线,特别是从今春以来各级广大干部直接投入了紧张的抗旱斗争,同时也使会议、文件、表报大大减少,各级领导都出现了更加生动活泼的新鲜气象。现在,省级各部门负责同志和广大干部,深入到基层的均占半数以上。县以下各级干部一般可以保持70%至80%的干部经常深入基层,领导生产和参加劳动。这些措施,正在全省各级机关和广大干部中引起一个巨大的变化。
从这一段推行“二五制”,反对官僚主义,改进领导方法、工作作风的运动中,我们感到为了使领导方法、领导作风真正实现一个革命,首先必须在全体干部特别是各级领导干部中,深入开展一次整风运动,发动群众,对因循守旧、事务主义、思想落后于形势等各种各样的官僚主义作风展开彻底的批判。这是深入这一运动的关键。改进领导方法和反对官僚主义作风,同样是一场“兴无灭资”的斗争,是无产阶级思想与资产阶级思想的斗争,是马克思列宁主义的领导方法与脱离群众、脱离实际的官僚主义作风的斗争。官僚主义作风不彻底反掉,马克思列宁主义的领导方法就不能很好地树立。官僚主义被批判得越彻底,新的领导方法、领导作风就能越快越好地树立起来,并且坚持下去。我省在推行“二五制”、改进领导方法、领导作风的运动中,大多数地区的党委都有决心要根据党中央和毛泽东同志历次关于领导方法问题的指示,改进领导方法和领导作风。但是,也还有一部分地方和一部分领导同志还没有深刻理解改进领导方法、领导作风的意义,一般是也作了一些研究、部署,也取得了一些成绩,但是他们对于这是一次领导方法、领导作风上的革命,认识还不十分明确,自觉性还不够。此外,还有少数地区和一部分机关单位的负责干部,表面上口头上也说要改进领导,实际上对于“二五制”领导方法思想不通,还存有各种各样的抵触情绪,在这样一些地方和单位中,官僚主义习气还没有受到深刻的批判。这是推行“二五制”改进领导方法的严重障碍。
有一种认识,认为工作这样多,任务这样重,事情这样忙,没有时间深入下去。有些人甚至认为,“深入多了会削弱集体领导”,“机关留人少了掌握不了全面情况”,“经常下去会影响部门工作”,等等。这是一种陈腐观念。在这次反对官僚主义、改进领导方法的运动中,有一张大字报,批评省法院民庭工作落后于形势的情况为:“发愁发的多,办法想的少;旧东西装的多,新东西接受少;就案办案多,调查研究少”。这种揭露真是一针见血。不首先改变这些同志的世界观,工作怎么能做得更多更好?新的连续大跃进的形势,已使各种工作发生了深刻的变化,并仍在继续不断地发生变化。新的问题是不断解决又不断出现的。问题首先来自下面、来自基层、来自第一线,各级领导如果不能切实深入下去,及时了解研究新的形势、新的问题,就不可能加强集体领导和更实际地掌握全面情况,部门工作也就不能够更好地为中心工作服务。这是已经被实践反复证明了的。
有一些人,用形而上学的观点看问题,把推行“二五制”领导方法单纯看做是个“时间安排”问题,认为“二五制”“不过是个新名词,轰一阵就过去了”,认为“二五制”只适用于平原,不适用于山区,只适用于农村,不适用于城市,只适用于小县,不适用于大县,党政部门能做到,企业部门行不通等等,总之是别人可以,自己不行。有些同志对于新鲜事物,完全采取官僚主义的态度,自己不积极钻研创造,对于别人的创造又不肯虚心学习,简单否定,认为领导问题非常复杂,不可能用一种办法解决所有问题,而对于官僚主义作风,认为虽然不好,但是“辛辛苦苦,情有可原”,因而安于旧的一套,不愿认真地改变领导方法。他们对于改进领导这样一个重要问题,还处于一种不自觉的状态。我们是马克思列宁主义的世界观与方法论的统一论者,我们认为,有什么样的世界观,就有什么样的方法论,反过来,有什么样的方法论,也就有什么样的世界观。是坚持马克思列宁主义的领导方法还是官僚主义的领导方法,是一个重要的原则问题,是要不要群众路线的问题,是要不要上层建筑的不断革命的问题。领导方法必须适应变化着的新形势,如果不适应,就会挫折群众的积极性,影响建设事业的发展。从这一点来说,就是要不要坚持总路线、大跃进和人民公社的问题。任何形式的官僚主义,饱食终日无所用心也好,忙忙碌碌事务缠身也好,都是生产力高速度发展的障碍,都必须彻底扫除,问题是如果不自觉地起来不断革命,也要被迫地进行革命的。当然,任何一种新的领导方法的创造,开始并不是完美无缺的,都需要不断充实和完善,具体到各级和不同地区、不同部门,在具体做法上可以有这样那样的发展和改变,但是不论各级各部门,都必须坚持领导方法的不断革命,必须积极寻求不断适应新形势需要的新方法、新形式,这一点是必须采取自觉态度的。推行“二五制”,决不只是个时间安排问题,认为把时间安排一下就算实行了“二五制”,而必须坚决克服官僚主义、事务主义,彻底改进领导方法和领导作风,深入群众,总结经验,进一步提高领导水平。
此外,还有少数干部怕艰苦、怕劳动,不愿深入基层、不愿向群众向实际学习。这是一个关系到培养干部的路线的问题。我们要培养全心全意为人民服务的勤务员,不是要培养人民的“老爷”。所有的干部,都需要在群众的火热斗争中经受锻炼,改造思想。共产主义要消灭脑力劳动与体力劳动的差别,劳动要成为人们生活的第一需要。害怕劳动,怎么能进入共产主义社会呢?因此,必须坚持干部劳动化的道路,必须向那种贪图享受、好逸恶劳的资产阶级思想进行斗争。
为了解决上述这些思想问题,各级党委应当继续组织干部深入学习党中央和毛泽东同志关于领导方法问题、整顿党的作风问题的著作和指示,进行改进领导方法、工作作风问题的大辩论,首先端正思想,统一认识,为推行“二五制”、改进领导方法打下充分的思想基础。
其次,前一段的经验证明,改进领导方法、领导作风,必须紧紧抓住深入工作和提高领导两个方面,并且使二者紧密结合起来。在深入工作、深入群众的问题上,必须坚持明确的阶级观点和学会阶级分析的方法,坚决执行依靠贫农、下中农的阶级路线,要善于反映贫农、下中农的正确要求,经常注意同一部分富裕中农的资本主义自发趋势及其影响划清界限,坚持把两条道路的斗争进行到底。干部深入下去之后,既要和群众同吃同住同劳动同商量,以一个普通劳动者的姿态出现,又不能仅仅起一个普通劳动者的作用,更重要的是必须使广大干部学会领导,学会做群众工作,做政治思想工作。各级干部都学一点生产技能、生产知识,这是完全需要的;但是革命干部不仅仅是个生产家、技术家,更重要的是首先要成为政治家、革命家。在参加生产、领导生产当中,必须强调做好人的工作,强调和群众交朋友,虚心向群众学习,既要接近先进积极分子,又要深入到落后群众中去,坚持以社会主义、共产主义思想教育群众,纠正那种在生产中见物不见人不见思想、实际上脱离群众脱离政治的作风。在深入工作的基础上,要特别强调运用毛泽东思想研究问题,总结经验,不断提高干部的政治水平和领导水平。一方面,各市委、县委要以身作则,带领广大干部学习马克思列宁主义,学习毛泽东同志著作;另一方面,各市委、县委的领导同志都要以身作则,带领广大干部学会在实际工作中运用毛泽东思想,把工作做得更好。各市委、县委的第一书记、书记处书记,都要在半年内,运用毛泽东思想研究几个重要问题,总结几项重要的工作经验,写几篇文章。不断总结经验,就能使我们的干部学会瞻前顾后,从历史发展中,从实际工作中学到更多的东西。这是提高干部最有效的办法。
第三,改进领导方法、领导作风,必须切实贯彻狠抓两头的精神。既要大抓先进、抓新生事物,又要狠抓落后角落、落后地区,使落后赶上先进。唐山市委在今年1月提出,各级党委、各级领导部门,都要大抓先进事物,要及时发现、总结、推广先进经验,使干部思想生动活泼,不断提高领导水平,推动生产跃进。为了普遍开展学习建明人民公社的运动,唐山市委有两位书记亲自抓这个公社的工作。开滦唐家庄煤矿不断高产的经验,唐山钢厂中型轧钢车间高速度建成的经验,市委管工业的书记都去亲自总结。几个月来,全区发现先进创造几十万件,总结推广的比较重大的经验即达三千多件。这就使全区工作出现了更加生动活泼的局面。除了抓先进以外,必须下决心改变落后角落、落后地区的状况。我省有15%左右的“三类”生产队,在政治上、生产上都处于落后状态。这些生产队的领导权,大部分掌握在富裕中农手里,甚至有的掌握在地主、富农、坏分子手里。历年来,发生问题的是这些单位,生产任务完成得不好的也是这些单位。在历次运动中所以没有完全彻底改变这些“三类”队的面貌,就是因为对落后这一面抓得不狠,没有贯彻下来,以至有些地方表面改变了,过一个时期又恢复了原来的状态。今年结合整社工作,省委下决心要改变这些地区的面貌。各级党委派了三万多名干部,组成工作组,下决心用一年工夫,分期分批彻底整顿这些落后生产队,以此作为今年农村整风的中心内容。应该把派到这些地区的干部确定下来,大体上一年不动,以便认真深入地加强落后角落的领导,根本改变这些地方的面貌。
第四,改进领导方法、领导作风,必须上下结合,在县社基层组织推行“二五制”的基础上,省、市领导也要做相应地改进。省、市领导和各方面的负责同志,都要按地区、按战线进行适当分工,加强第一线的领导,根据一定时期的中心任务,有计划有目的地定期深入工作,调查研究,指导工作,及时就地解决问题。这样,就能更深入地了解情况,更加有效地提高我们的领导水平。同时要合理调整组织,提高效率,适当地精简机构,紧缩上层,加强第一线的力量。这样,就会保证省、市领导干部有更多的时间不断深入基层、总结经验,帮助和带动基层干部改进工作,提高领导水平。
我省正在开展的推行“二五制”改进领导方法、领导作风的运动的形势是很好的。我们要把这一运动继续开展下去。这是一次改进领导方法、改进领导作风的革命运动,是两种思想、两种作风、两种方法斗争的继续。要通过这次运动,扫除官僚主义、事务主义和领导落后于实际的现象,进一步发扬活泼生动的马克思列宁主义群众路线的领导方法、工作方法和工作作风,使全省广大干部的领导水平、思想水平大大提高一步。为此就需要:第一,在秋前一段时间,以推行“二五制”、反对官僚主义为内容,在全省干部中开展一次马克思列宁主义的改进领导方法、工作作风的整风运动。这一运动要和当前各项生产工作、政治工作紧密结合,使之成为推动当前生产运动和实现今年继续跃进的动力。各级党委都应检查总结一下前一段推行“二五制”的情况,在干部中开展一次广泛的辩论,找关键、挖根源,然后根据具体情况,提出本地区进一步改进领导,深入第一线,加强基层工作的具体措施。第二,开展改进领导作风,反对官僚主义的运动,必须自上而下和自下而上相结合。一方面,各级党组织、各部门,要首先检查研究领导方法、领导作风上存在的问题;另一方面,必须放手发动群众。没有广大干部群众起来监督,官僚主义就不可能认真克服。除了发动各级机关干部以外,还应发动广大的基层干部积极参加。吴桥县实行的由群众评选“五好”干部的办法,是群众直接监督领导、监督干部的一项好办法。这样,就把管理上层建筑的权利掌握在人民群众手里,就会使广大干部在群众中扎下根,就可以有效地防止和克服官僚主义。第三,在全省各级机关和广大干部中,要普遍总结两年连续大跃进以来改进领导方法、领导作风的丰富经验,特别是推行“二五制”以来的经验。把这些好经验集中起来,加以系统化,形成制度,作出决议,坚持下去,坚决贯彻执行。要树立好的领导方法、领导作风的红旗,使各级各部门的领导工作不断改进,不断变革,更加适应形势的需要。随着建设的连续大跃进,实现领导方法、工作方法的不断改进。第四,当前在全省干部中广泛开展的学习马克思列宁主义、学习毛泽东同志著作的运动,对于改进领导方法、领导作风,提高广大干部特别是各级领导干部的思想水平,有极为重要的意义。各级党委都要规定相应的学习日,认真地领导帮助广大干部学习马克思列宁主义,学习掌握毛泽东思想的武器,掌握马克思主义辩证唯物主义的世界观和方法论,这是不断改进领导、不断提高干部、不断推动持续跃进的根本措施。通过学习,使广大干部正确认识生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的辩证关系,自觉地掌握运用毛泽东同志多次阐明的这个客观规律,做自觉的不断革命派,使领导思想、领导方法不断适应变化着的新情况,以推动建设事业的不断发展。
我们相信,通过这一运动,结合着党的其他各项政治运动,必将使全省广大干部不断成熟起来,提高起来,必将使广大干部的思想作风有一个进一步的改变,从而更加多快好省地进行伟大的社会主义建设。

(原载《东风》1960年第13期)

2015年8月3日星期一

1967.8.3上海高校毕业生思想动态

按:到19678月,文革已经进行一年多,全国各地大都处于群众组织分派打内战的境地,运动结束似乎遥遥无期。所以并不奇怪的是,已留在大学一年多还未参加工作的毕业生大都对运动失去了兴趣,因为急盼获分配参加工作尽早领工资,再留在学校里已毫无意义。比方说一医有个毕业班四十三人,参加运动的仅十二人,其他三十一人处在逍遥状态,其中有二十三人长期在家不来学校;有的毕业生说“要我们站好最后一班岗,我们已经站了—年多了,站到什么时侯去?”;部分毕业生反映“读书时间长,年龄大了(同济大学路桥系毕业生平均年龄二十六岁,个别三十岁),再不分配不行了”;有50%的毕业生赞同“只要解决工资,留校搞文化大革命也行,工资不解决,嘸没心思闹革命。”
    有意思的是师范院校及体育学院的毕业生怕当教师,认为今后对教师要求高,很难胜任,说:“第二次文化大革命要轮到我们被打倒了。”

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


(内部参考·不得外传)
(第3期)
上海市革委会毕业生工作委员会                                            196783

最高指示
     我们是马克思主义者,马克思主义叫我们看问题不要从抽象的定义出发,而要从客观存在的事实出发,从分析这些事实中找出方针、政策、办法来。

七月五日至二十二日,我们去师大、同济、一医等十六所高校,就毕业生工作情况和思想动态作了初步了解,现将情况简报如下:
一、十六所院校毕业班大体上分三种情况:
(一)在已经成立革委会或已大联合的同济、水产、海运、师大、复旦、机院等院校已着手建立院校的毕业生工作委员会(筹)或毕业生工作小组,负责毕业生工作。当前主要是积极动员毕业生返校复课闹革命,加强对毕业生的政治思想教育。目前这些学校的毕业生除少数因病因事外,绝大多数已返校投入革命大批判。复旦、同济等校的毕业班还组织招生、分配问题的批改专题小小组,结合当前的革命大批判进行批改。海运学院还准备运用“讲用会"的形式,介绍该院水管系611班毕业生40余人,自文化大革命以来,一直站在斗争的最前列,搞军训、到工厂农村劳动、积极投入复课闹革命、革命大批判的旺盛的不断革命的精神。师大、复旦、同济等院校并已着手进行毕业生的政治审查工作。
(二)在—些尚未实现大联合的财经、外语、体院等院校的有关行政业务部门的干部感到需要着手进行毕业准备工作,但由于毕业分配时间未定,方案没下达,心中无数,特别是学校没有大联合,工作有困难,因此就等待上级布置。交大的《反到底》和红师筹两派经过协商,在毕业生工作问题上已联合起来,和革命干部一起组成毕业生工作领导班子,着手进行毕业分配准备工作。
(三)有些“内战”比较激烈,情况较乱的师院、一医、二医、铁道等院校,当前复课闹革命、大批判、斗批改也没有认真计划和安排,毕业生大多数都不在学校里。如二医医疗系66届两班毕业生六十六人,在校的仅二十余人。一医有个毕业班四十三人,参加运动的仅十二人,其他三十一人处在逍遥状态。其中有二十三人长期在家不来学校。因此,毕业生工作根本无从考虑
二、毕业生的思想动态:
毕业生中的广大无产阶级革命派,积极响应党中央、毛主席复课闹革命的号召,决心站好最后—班岗,积极投入当前的革命大批判,决心为无产阶级文化大革命作出新贡献。这是毕业生中的主流。但也有些问题:
(一)“复课闹分配,毕业闹革命”
部分毕业生对复课闹革命不大有兴趣,人在学校心里想的是分配。有的毕业生说:“毕业班没有什么课好复,毕业班搞教育革命框框多,还是让低年级去闖吧!”有的说:“要我们站好最后一班岗,我们已经站了一年多了,站到什么时侯去?”有的甚至提出“复课闹分配,毕业闹革命”,对复课闹革命及当前的革命大批判的伟大意义认识不足。
(二)要求早日分配
有的毕业生说:“中专生都分配了,大学生为什么不能分配?”“上海条件好,就应该先分配,为什么要等全国—起搞。”部分毕业生反映“读书时间长,年龄大了(同济大学路桥系毕业生平均年龄二十六岁,个别三十岁),再不分配不行了。”部分毕业生要求至少明确什么时间能分配。
(三)要求解决经济困难
部分毕业生反映本人和家庭经济有困难,要求解决。目前毕业生中欠饮食费的现象不少。有的要求出证明去做临时工,想取得一点收入。有的学生还节约—些助学金补助家庭。有的毕业生提出:“只要解决工资,留校搞文化大革命也行,工资不解决,嘸没心思闹革命。”有这思想的毕业生约占50%。其中确有困难的每班约有二至五人。
(四)毕业生中的几“怕”
范院校及体育学院的毕业生怕当教师,认为今后对教师要求高,很难胜任,说:“第二次文化大革命要轮到我们被打倒了。”有的毕业生怕被分配到内战剧烈的地方去。有的则怕去边疆、怕去农村。因此,谈恋爱结婚的多起来了,有的女同学甚至未婚先孕,以造成既成事实要求照顾。有的在运动中犯了错误的学生则怕被分配到差的地方去。六七年毕业生则怕专业课没很好学习,工作起来有困难。
三、毕业生对一些具体问题的看法
(一)认为学校应该建立一个以左派为核心的、有代表性的有无产阶级权威釣“三结合”的毕业生工作机构,负责毕业生工作,系及班级也应建立相应的小组。但系班毕业生小组毕业生不应参加。
(二)有些毕业生认为高校毕业生的分配方向应面向工农兵,面向基层,坚决贯彻党的阶级路线。出身好、政治表现好的毕业生应该充实国家要害部门。剥削阶级出身的毕业生可分配到工农中去,以利于世界观改造
(三)对分配办法,水产学院认为“自报公议”的办法较好,它有利于贯彻群众路线,贯彻阶级路线。可以打破少数人包办代替、神秘化和凭业务凭印象无原则的迁就照顾等弊病。同济、师大、交大等院校则反对“自报公议”,认为这是刘少奇的所谓“党的利益和个人利益一致性”的黑货的翻版,而且会助长个人主义和无政府主义思潮。
(四)对毕业生政治审查,已大联合学校一般认为要搞,由谁来搞可再研究。有的学校认为这次政审工作,量大面广任务重,困难较大。至于清理学生档案和填毕业生登记表仍有必要。
(五)对鉴定问题有三点看法:(1)认为鉴定是整学生的“关口”,且各派观点不一,分歧很大,很难处理,主张不做鉴定。(2)少数主张“两头做”。对在文化大革命中表现好的和犯有严重错误的学生要做。但两头的标准很难确定。(3)有的主张要全面做。主张每人就文化大革命期间的两条路线斗争的表现,以及以往表现进行自我小结,然后由毕业生工作机构作出鉴定。


出处:上海市档案馆B243-2-906



2015年8月2日星期日

1966.8.2中情局从中共某驻外使馆线人处获悉文革情况


1966.8.2 美国中央情报局(CIA)发出一份情报信息,内容是中共某驻外使馆内的线人提供的关于使馆内文化革命运动的进展情况。
情报内文附有若干“消息来源评论”(Source Comment),由此可判定这个线人(source)就是中共使馆内的人员。情报说大使在六月初召集使馆内全体中共党员,花了三个半小时宣读传达了四份文件。显然是线人听到了传达,然后把自己所记下的内容交给美国情报人员。这也能解释为何线人提供的文件内容中有多处小细节同文件原文不符,因为传达的内容太多,线人难免在做笔记时犯些小错误,但情报的主要内容确实都是准确的。
情报说:该使馆于19665月初接到第一份关于文革运动的指示文件。5月下旬大使召集全馆人员会议,宣布文革将分为两个阶段,先学习毛泽东思想,然后将其应用于调查、对比、改正自我思想。学习时间是每周六天的16301930,再加两个晚上的20302230。学习内容为毛泽东四篇文章和《人民日报》、《红旗》的社论。大使说外交人员参加文革的目标就是提升意识形态自觉性,国内文革的目标是揭露和斗争反共反社会主义分子。大使要求在学习阶段做到“四个不”:不写大字报、不写小字报、不暴露别人的严重错误、不点名批评他人。
线人所提供的四份文件分别是《批判文化革命汇报提纲》、《文化大革命大事记》、《关于军队生产自给的问题——毛泽东致林彪的信》、江青的《部队文艺工作座谈会纪要》。经查,前两份文件均来自1966519由中共中央办公厅机要室发出的中发[66267号文件,即大名鼎鼎的5.16《通知》。其中,《通知》的正文就是批判1966212日彭真发出的《文化革命五人小组关于当前学术讨论的汇报提纲》,而《通知》的附件之二就是《一九六五年九月到一九六六年五月文化战线上两条道路斗争大事记》。第三份文件是1966524日由中共中央办公厅机要室发出的中发[66271号文件,即《中共中央转发毛泽东同志给林彪同志的信(对军委总后勤部“关于进一步搞好部队农副业生产的报告”的批示)》。第四份文件是落款日期为1966410日的“中共中央批发《林彪同志委托江青同志召开的部队文艺工作座谈会纪要》及附件”。
关于线人提供文件内容中的若干小细节错误,列举部分如下:
关于《文化大革命大事记》,情报说
1. 19659月各省宣传工作会议在山东济南召开,彭真在会上说即便毛主席犯错误也应受到批评,陆定一在会上攻击斯大林(消息来源评论说陆实际在批评毛)”。线人弄错了这个会议的地点和名称,经查《一九六五年九月到一九六六年五月文化战线上两条道路斗争大事记》原文,该会议名称是“文化部召集的文化厅局长会议”而非各省宣传工作会议。原文没有提到该会是在济南召开的,实际上这个会应该是在北京召开的(19659月,福建闽侯县电影放映代表队赴北京汇报表演,观众包括全国文化厅()长会议代表,而且彭真、陆定一、文化部副部长肖望东等接见了汇报队。见《福州市志(第七册)第六章电影》http://www.fzdqw.com/ShowText.asp?ToBook=806&index=343&
2.情报说“(姚文元批吴晗的文章发表后)彭真求见毛泽东,见面后出来对人说三个月后再谈吴晗有无政治问题,现在只谈学术”。经查,《一九六五年九月到一九六六年五月文化战线上两条道路斗争大事记》至少四次提到“两个月以后再谈政治问题。”可见这是CIA的线人听传达时太紧张,没有记录准确,而不可能是CIA在使馆内监听或截获文件原文。
3.情报说“196511月,(上海)文汇报发表姚文元批吴晗的文章,彭真很不高兴,打电话给中共上海市委,问‘文章发表前为何未通知我?你们还是(中共)党员吗?文章的背后指使人物是谁?”经查,《一九六五年九月到一九六六年五月文化战线上两条道路斗争大事记》并没有提到196511月彭真因姚文元文章打电话给上海方面,而是到了19663月上海方面想了解《文化革命五人小组关于当前学术讨论的汇报提纲》中的“学阀”指向谁时,彭真命令中宣部副部长许立群打电话给上海。

关于《部队文艺工作座谈会纪要》,
1.情报说“陈伯达先改纪要,然后毛泽东改”。经查,原文是“请春桥、亚丁两位同志一起座谈修改,然后,送主席审阅。主席很重视,对纪要亲自作了修改,并指示请伯达同志参加,再作充实和修改”。可见在陈伯达修改纪要前,毛泽东就已经改过了,然后他指令交给陈伯达继续修改。
2. 情报说“林彪把文件批给贺龙,徐向前,叶剑英,萧华”,“纪要反驳了罗瑞卿、杨成武”。经查原文是送“贺龙、荣臻、陈毅、伯承、向前、剑英诸同志”。可见线人漏掉了聂荣臻、陈毅和刘伯承,妄增了萧华。原文提到萧华、杨成武是说“萧华同志和杨成武同志,对这次座谈都表示热情赞助和支持”,并没有批驳杨成武。批驳罗瑞卿倒确有其事。
3. 情报说“江青参观了某军队电影制片厂”。这不对,原文是说“江青同志又看了电影《南海长城》的样片,接见了《南海长城》的导演、摄影师和一部分演员。”没有提到江青去了电影厂。
4.情报说《纪要》以总政的名义发出。这不对,《纪要》是林彪以军委的名义报给毛,然后毛以中共中央的名义批转全国。

关于《毛泽东给林彪的信——关于军队生产自给》,这份文件比较短,而且从内容上看似乎和文革没什么关系,所以线人有点奇怪为什么这份文件和前三份文件一起传达,他的猜测是大使不想为宣读这份简短的文件而再麻烦一次召开全体中共党员会议。当年肯定有不少人也会有他这种猜测,直到很久以后人们才知道毛泽东写这封信的真实动机,史家王年一甚至认为这是理解毛泽东对文化大革命真实想法的两把钥匙之一,意义重大。

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Intelligence Information Cable

  THIS IS AN INFORMATION REPORT. NOT FINALLY EVALUATED INTELLIGENCE.

COUNTRY   CHINA 
DOI        MAY-JULY 1966
SUBJECT    CONDUCT OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVMENT AT THE CHINESE COMMUNIST EMBASSY

1. (SUMMARY:  THE CHINESE COMMUNIST EMBASSY RECEIVED ITS FIRST NOTICE TO IMPLEMENT THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVEMENT (CRM) IN EARLY MAY 1966. THE CRM WAS TO BE CONDUCTED IN TWO STAGES AT THE EMBASSY: STUDYING THE THOUGHTS OF MAO TSE-TUNG AND APPLYING THE KNOWLEDGE SO GAINED TO INVESTIGATE, COMPARE, AND CORRECT THE THOUGHTS OF THE INDIVIDUAL. STUDY SESSIONS WERE HELD SIX DAYS A WEEK AND TWO NIGHTS A WEEK. IN EARLY JUNE ALL OF THE EMBASSY'S CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY MEMBERS ATTENDED A MEETING AT WHICH FOUR DOCUMENTS WERE READ INCLUDING "CRITIQUE OF THE 'REPORT ON THE IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION'" A CRITICISM OF A P'ENG CHEN CRITIQUE; "IMPORTANT RECORDS OF THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION". -A CHRONOLOGY OF THE CRM"CONCERNING THE PROBLEM OF THE MILITARY PRODUCING ITS OWN SUPPLIES" - A LETTER FROM MAO TO ARMY CHIEF LIN PIAO; AND "IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM ON LITERATURE AND ART PROBLEMS IN THE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY"- WRITTEN BY MAO TSE-TUNG'S WIFE CHIANG CH'ING.)

2. THE CHINESE COMMUNIST EMBASSY RECEIVED ITS FIRST NOTICE TO IMPLEMENT THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVEMENT (2106/0445/2429/ 0553/7425/0730/1743/1032/2251/4854) (CRM) IN EARLY MAY 1966. UNTIL THAT TIME THERE HAD BEEN NO INSTRUCTIONS ON THE MOVEMENT OTHER THAN WHAT THE PEOPLE READ IN THE PEOPLE'S DAILY AND RED FLAG.  LATER IN MAY EMBASSADOR CALLED A MEETING OF THE ENTIRE EMBASSY STAFF AND ANNOUNCED THAT THE CRM WAS TO BE CONDUCTED IN TWO STAGES. THE FIRST WOULD BE TO STUDY MAO TSE-TUNG'S THOUGHTS AND THE SECOND WOULD BE TO APPLY THE KNOWLEDGE GAINED TO INVESTIGATE, COMPARE AND CORRECT ONE'S OWN THOUGHTS. HE SAID THEY WOULD BEGIN WITH A STUDY OF FOUR MAO TREATISES INCLUDING:  1) MAO'S TAIKS AT THE YENAN FORUM; 2) NEW DEMOCRACY; 3) MAO'S TALKS AT THE PROPAGANDA WORK CONFERENCE; AND 4)  ON THE CORRECT UNDERSTANDING OF CONTRADICTIONS AMONG THE PEOPLE. THESE FOUR DOCUMENTS WERE TO BE STUDIED BY ALL CHINESE PERSONNEL ABROAD. EDITORIALS FROM PEOPLE'S DAILY AND RED FLAG ALSO WERE TO BE STUDIED. HE SAID THE GOAL OF THE CRM IN MISSIONS ABROAD WAS TO HEIGHTEN THE IDEOLOGICAL AWARENESS OF ALL DIPLOMATIC PERSNNEL; IN CHINA THE CRM WAS DESIGNED TO DISCLOSE ANTI-PARTY/ANTI-SOCIALISM ELEMENTS AS WELL AS TO STRUGGLE THEM AND HIGHTEN THEIR IDEOLOGICAL AWARENESS.

3.THE STUDY SESSIONS WERE HELD SIX DAYS A WEEK FROM 1630-1930 AND TW0 NIGHTS A WEEK FROM 2030-2230. DURING THESE SESSIONS EMBASSY PERSONNEL WERE TOLD TO OBSERVE THE "FOUR DON'TS". (SZU KE PU):  1)  DON'T WRITE BIG POSTERS;2)  D0N'T WRITE SMALL POSTERS; 3)  DON'T DIVULGE EACH OTHERS SERIOUS ERRORS;  AND 4) DON'T CRITICIZE EACH OTHER BY MAME.

4.IN EARLY JUNE ALL OF THE EMBASSY'S CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY (CCP) MEMBERS ATTENDED A 3 1/2 HOUR MEETING AT WHICH FOUR DOCUMENTS WERE READ. THESE DOCUMENTS INCLIDED:1) "CRITIQUE OF THE 'REPORT ON THE IMPORTANT POINT'S OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVEMENT'" (2106/0445/2429/0553/7425/0730/1743/1032/2251/4854);2) "IMPORTANT RECORDS OF THE GREAT CULTURAL REVOLUTION" (2429/0553/1129/?245/0730/1129/O657/6069); 3) "CONCERNING THE PROBLEM OF THE MILITARY PRODUCING ITS OWN SUPPLIES" (KUAN-YU CHUN-TUI SHENG-CH'AN TZU KEI WEN-T'I); AND 4) "IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM OF LITERATURE AND ART PR0BLEMS IN THE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY (PLA)" (CHIEH FANG CHUN WEN-I TSO-T'AN HUI CHi YAO).

5. THE FIRST DOCUMENT, "CRITIQUE OF THE 'REPORT ON THE IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVEMENT'" HAD  BEEN ISSUED AT THE BEGINING OF MAY UNDER P'ENG CHEN'S NAME AND POSITION ALTHOUGH HE DID NOT ACTUALLY WRITE THE REPORT. THE "CRITIQUE" HAD BEEN DIRECTED  AGAINST THE "IMPORTANT POINTS" REPORT WRITTEN IN FEBRUARY 1966 BY THE DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE CCP PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT.THE DOCUMENT READ TO EMBASSY STAFF MEMBERS STATED THAT THE "CRITIQUE", HAD CONTAINED SEVERAL ERRORS IN THEORY.  THE ERRORS WERE:
 A. FAILURE TO ADHERE TO THE CORRECT DIRECTION INTENED IN THE CRM. MAO HAD SAID THAT THE IMPORTANT POINT OF THE CRM WAS THE CLASS STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE BOURGEOIS ELEMENTS AND THE CAPITALISTS FOR POLITICAL POWER AND SURVIVAL WHILE P'ENG CHEN HELD THAT THE AIM OF THE CRM WAS TO GIVE CORRECT CONTENT AND DIRECTION TO ART AND LITERATURE AND HAD NO POLITICAL ASPECT.   
B.  P'ENG HAD SAID THAT THE REPORT HAD INSTRUCTED ALL CCP MEMBERS TO CRITICIZE "THE DISMISSAL OF HAI JUI" FR0M A THEORETICAL RATHER THAN A POLITICAL POINT OF VIEW.
C.  THE REPORT ACCUSED CERTIAN CCP MEMBERS OF HAVING A MONOPOLY OF CCP. TEESE PEOPLE HAD BECOME LITERARY WARLORDS (HSUEH-FA), ABLE TO SAY WHATEVER THEY WISHED WITH NO ONE DARING T0 CONTRADICT THEM. P'ENG SAID THAT EVERYONE SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO VOICE THERI OWN IDEAS. HIS ULTERIOR MOTIVE WAS T0 LET TENG T-O AND OTHER BOURGEOIS ELEMENTS SPEAK OUT AND CRUSH THESE LITERARY WARLORDS. 
D.  IN AN EFFORT TO UNDERMINE THE LEFT WING THEORISTS SUCH AS YAO WEN-YVAN, P'ENG'S REPORT ACCUSED THEM OF HAVING FAULTS AND COMMITTING ERRORS WHICH SHOULD BE RECTIFIED. HE DID THIS TO COVER RIGHT WING THEORISTS SUCH AS TENG T'O, SAYING THAT EVERYONE HAD COMMITTED ERRORS NOT JUST TENG AND HIS CLIQUE.
E. P'ENG USED THE NAME OF THE CCP TO ISSUE HIS REPORT WITHOUT POLITBURO APDROVAL AND HE "RAISED THE RED FLAG WHILE ATTACKING THE RED FLAG", I.E. MAO'S THOUGHT. 
F. P'ENG CLAIMED THAT EVERYONE SHOULD BE EQUAL IN MAKING THEORY AND ALL SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO SPEAK.

6.  THE SECOND DOCUMENT, "IMPORTANT RECORDS OF THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION MOVEMENT", GAVE THE FOLLOWING CHRONOLOGY OF THE CRM:
A.  SEPTEMBER 1965 - P'ENG CHEN CONVENED THE PROVINCIAL LEVEL PROPAGANDA WORK CONFERENCE IN CHINAN, SHANTUNG. AT THIS MEETING HE RAISED THE VIEW THAT AS TO THEORY EVERYONE IS EQUAL, AND SAID THAT IF THE CHAIRMAN (MEANING MAO) WERE WRONG THEN HE SHOULD BE CRITICIZED. LU TING-I, AT THE SAME MEETING, MADE A STRONG ATTACK ON STALIN. (SOURCE COMMENT. IN REALITY, HE WAS CRITICIZING MAO.) 

B.  BEFORE THE NOVEMBER 1965 PUBLICATION OF YAO WEN-YUAN'S ARTICLE ON "HAI JUI," MAO CALLED IN P'ENG CHEN AND ASKED HIM IF WU HAN'S ARTICLE DID NOT CONTAIN PROBLEMS. P'ENG ANSWERED THAT IT DEFINITELY CONTAINS ERRORS BUT ERRORS IN THEORY ONLY.

 C.  LATER THE LEFT WING THEORISTS CLIQUE TOOK WU'S ARTICLE AND MADE IT INTO A POLITICAL PROBLEM. TO COPE WITH THIS P'ENG ASKED T0 MEET WITH MAO. AFTER THE MEETING, P'ENG TOLD PEOPLE THAT MAO HAD INSTRUCTED THAT THE PRESENT CRITICISIM SHOULD BE LIMITED TO THEORY AND THAT THEY SHOULD WAIT FOR THREE MONTHS BEFORE DECIDING WHETHER OR NOT WU HAN'S ARTICLE WAS TO BE CRITICIZED AS A POLITICAL PROBLEM.

D.  LATER IN NOVEMBER 1965, THE WEN HUI PAO PUBLISHED YAO WEN-YUAN'S ARTICLE CRITICIZING "HAI JUI."P'ENG'S SECRETARY (SIC) WAS UNHAPPY AT THIS TURN OF EVENTS AND TELEPHONED THE SHANGHAI MUNICIPAL CCP COMMITTEE AND ASKED:  "WHY WASN'T I INFORMED FIRST BEFORE THIS ARTICLE WAS ISSUED?  AREN'T YOU STILL PARTY MEMBERS? WHO IS BEHIND THE ISSUANCE OF THIS ARTICLE?"

E.  THE PLA FOLLOWED UP BY REPUBLISHIN YAO'S ARTICLE IN THE LIBERATUIB ARMY DAILY AND THE CHEKIANG AND KANGSU PAPERS FOLLOWED SUIT. THE SHANGHAI PEOPLE'S PUBLISHING COMPANY EVEN ISSUED THE ARTICLE IN SMALL BOOKLET FORM AND TELEPHONED THE PEKING NEW CHINA BOOK STORE ASKING THE STORE HOW MANY OF THESE HANDBOOKS IT NEEDED.  (SOURCE COMMENT. THE PURPOSE OF THIS MOVE WAS TO GET THE ARTICLE REPLAYED IN THE PEKING AREA.) THE PEKING NEW CHINA BOOK STORE THEN ASKED P'ENG WHETHER OR NOT THEY COULD DISTRIBUTE THE HANDBOOK AND HE POSTPONED THE PROBLEM BY ANSWERING THAT THEY MUST HOLD A MEETING FOR A DECISION.  AFTER SOME TIME WHEN THE MEETING STILL HAD NOT BEEN HELD, CHOU EN-LAI HEARD OF THE MATTER AND URGED THAT A MEETING BE HELD.  P'ENG CHEN THEN CONVENED THE PEKING MUNICIPAL PROPAGANDA OPERATIONS CONFERENCE.EVERYONE FROM THE PEKING CCP COMMITTEE CONCERNED ATTENDED WITH P'ENG ARRIVING LAST. AS HE SAT DOWN HE SAID TO THE GATHERING "WHAT'S THE SITUATION REGARDING WU HAN?" SOMEONE ANSWERED THAT WU HAN WAS VERY FRIGHTENED AND UPSET. P'ENG REPLIED: "THERE IS NOTHING TO FEAR.  REGARDING THEORY EVERYONE IS EQUAL."  AFTER THE CONFERENCE THE PEKING DAILY PRINTED YAO'S ARTICLE BUT APPENDED TO IT WAS AN EDITORIAL COMMENT STATING THAT THE ARTICLE WAS BEING PRINTED FOP THE PURPOSE OF DISCUSSION AND THAT THE EDITORSE DID NOT NECESSARILY AGREE WITH THE VIEWS EXPRESSED THEREIN.

F. MAO LATER STUDIED YAO'S ARTICLE AND THEN CALLED AN INFORMAL MEETINC IN JANUARY 1966 ATTENDED BY K'ANG SHENG,CH'EN PO-TA, AT SZU-CHI AND MAO'S WIFE, CHIANG CH'ING.  MAO SAID THAT ALTHOUGH YAO'S ARTICLE WAS VERY GOOD IT STILL HAD NOT GOTTEN TO THE HEART OF THE PR0BLEM. MAO SAID THAT THE IMPORTANT POINT IN "THE DISMISSAL OF HAI JUI" WAS THE PART ALLUDING TO DISMISSAL FROM OFFICE.  MAO INSTRUCTED K'ANG THAT THE FIVE-MAN COMMETTEE WAS TO CHANGE THE FOCAL POINT OF THE CRITICISM AGAINST WU HAN'S ARTICLE TO CENTER ON THE PART CONCERNING THE DISMISSAL FROM OFFICE. (SOURCE COMMENT. AMBASSADOR SAID THAT THE PART CONCERNING DISMISSAL FROM OFFICE REALLY ALLUDED TO P'ENG TE-HUAI WHO SCOLDED MAO TSE-TUNG AT THE LUSHAN CONFERENCE IN 1959.)

G.  SOMETIME LATER K'ANG TOLD P'ENG CHEN OF MAO'S DECISION AND P'ENG OSTENSIBLY ACCEPTED THIS DECISION BUT APPARENTLY DID NOT ACCEPT IT IN HIS HEART. STILL LATER MAO CALLLD IN P'ENG AND ASKED HIM:"IS WU HAN ANTI-CCP?  IS HE ANTI-SOCIALISM?"  P'ENG REPLIED THAT HE HAD ALREADY INVESTIGATED AND FOUND NO CONNECTIONS BETWEEN P'ENG T'E-HUAI AND WU, THEREFORE WU'S ARTICLE WAS NOT WRITTEN IN PRAISE OF P'ENG TE-HUAI.
IT WAS AFTER THIS THAT THE DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE CCP PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT WROTE THE DRAFT OF THE "REPORT ON THE IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE CRM" IN THE NAME OF THE FIVE-MAN COMMITTEE, HEADED BY P'ENG CHEN, WHICH WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CRM. (SOURCE COMMENT. THE DOCUMENT CITES P'ENG AND K'ANG SHENG AS MEMBERS OF THE FIVE-MAN COMMITTEE. IT IS POSSIBLE THAT OTHER MEMBERS WERE CHOU YANG, LU TING-I AND WU LENG-HSI.

H. P'ENG DID NOT OBTAIN APPROVAL OF THE FIVE-MAN COMMITTEE FOR HIS REPORT AND AT A POLITBURO MEETING GAVE ONLY THE GIST OF THE CONTENTS AND NEVER REQUESTED APPROVAL TO DISTRIBUTE IT NOR TO DISCUSS IT.  THE REPOR  WAS ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE POLITBURO TO ALL PARTY COMMITTEES INCLUDING HSIEN LEVEL AND ABOVE.  AT THE SAME TIME P'ENG ASKED TENG T'O TO WRITE ARTICLES CRITICIZING WU HAN'S "HAI JUI" ON MORAL (TAO TE) GROUNDS. 

I.  SOME TIME AFTEP THE REPORT WAS ISSUED THE POLITBURO AGAIN MET, WITH MAO PARTICIPATING.  AT THE MEETING MAO WARNED P'ENG THAT IF THE CENTRUAL PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT (WHICH WAS UNDER THE FIVE-MAN COMMITTEE) COULD NOT GENUINELY IMPLEMENT THE CRM THEN MAO WOULD GET RID OF IT JUST AS HE HAD IN THE PAST GOTTEN RID OF THE "AGRICULTURAL  VILLAGES OPEPATIONS MIINISTRY"(NUNG TS'UN KUNG-TSO PU). (SOURCE C0MMENT. MAO DID NOT NECESSARILY MEAN HE WOULD ABOLISH THE ORGAN BUT MAY HAVE MEANT THAT HE WOULD DISMISS THE LEADERS OF THE DEPARTMENT.  IT APPEARS THAT THE POLITBURO WAS UNAWARE AT THE TIME OF THIS MEEETING THAT P'ENG CHEN HAD ALREADY ISSUED HIS REPORT OR IT SEEMS LIKELY THEY CERTAINLY WOULD HAVE DISCUSSED THIS FACT.)

J.  AFTER THE SHANGHAI CCP COMMITTEE RECEIVED P'ENG'S REPORT AND READ THE CONTENTS, IT TELEPHONED HIM AND TOLD HIM THAT IT DIDN'T AGREED WITH SOME OF THE VIEWS THEREIN.  AT THE SAME TIME THE C0MMITTEE ASKED P'ENG "WHO ARE YOUR LITERARY WARLORDS?"  P'ENG REPLIED. "WHOEVER HAS SCARS ON HIS HEAD, THEN HE IS AH Q." (HEADQUARTERS COMMENT. AH Q IS THE MAIN CHARACTER OF A STORY WRITTEN BY LU HSUN, AN AUTHOR ONCE ACCEPTED BY THE CHICOMS AS ONE OF THEIR LITERARY GREATS.  AH Q IN THE STORY WAS FOREVER SEEING VICTORY IN DEFEAT.)  (SOURCE COMMENT.IT PROBABLY WAS THE SHANGHAI CCP COMMITTEE WHICH NOTIFIED MAO OF P'ENG'S REPORT.)  LATER, IN MAY 1966 THE POLITBURO ISSUED ITS FIRST CRITICAL ARTICLE. P'ENG'S DISMISSAL FROM THE PEKING CCP POSITION FOLLOWED AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE FIVE-MAN COMMITTEE CHANGED WITH CHEN PO-TA BECOMING THE NEW LEADER AND T'AO CHU AS A NEW MEMBER. K'ANG SHENG REMAINS A MEMBER.

7.  THE THTRD DOCUMENT, "CONCERNING THE PROBLEM OF THE MILITARY PRODUCING ITS OWN SUPPLIES", A LETTER FROM MAO TO LIN PIAO.  (SOURCE COMMENT. IT SEEMS LIKELY THIS LETTER WAS WRITTEN THIS YEAR.)  MAO'S LETTER WAs IN RESPONSE TO AN EARLIER LETTER FROM LIN PIAO IN WHICH THE LATTER STATED THAT THE "LOGISTICS MINISTRY" HAD PROPOSED THAT UNDER PRESENT CONDITIONS THE MILITARY COULD ENGAGE IN PRODUCTION OF SOME OF ITS OWN SUPPLIES. IN HIS LETTER MAO RESPONDED BY PRAISING THIS PROPOSAL AND RECALLING THAT THE PLA HAD DONE THIS IN THE PAST. HE WENT ON TO STATE THAT THE PLA CAN DO IT AGAIN AND SO CAN ALL OTHER ORGANIZATIONS AS L0NG AS WORLD WAR III DOES NOT BREAK OUT. MAO THEN INSTUCTED THAT THE PLA SHOULD ENGAGE IN THREE-PRONGED ACTIVITIES: MILITARY TRAINING, POLITICAL INDOCTRINATION AND PRODUCTION.  OTHER ORGANS SUCH AS FACTORIES, GOVERMENT ORGANS, ETC.SHOULD EMULATE THIS EXAMPLE SUBSTITUTING THEIR OWN WORK FOR THE FIRST PRONG. (SOURCE COMMENT.  THIS DOCUMENT HAD NO APPARENT CONNECTION WITH THE OTHER THREE DOCUMENTS BUT WAS READ AT THE EMBASSY MEETING PROBABLY BECAUSE THE AMBASSADOR DIDN'T WANT TO CALL A SECOND MEETING JUST TO READ THIS SH0RT DOCUMENT.)

 8.   THE FOURTH DOCUMENT, "IMPORTANT POINTS OF THE SYMPOSIUM ON LITERATURE AND ART PR0BLEMS IN THE PLA" WAS WRITTEN BY MAO TSE-TUNG'S WIFE CHIANG CH'ING (3068/7230). BEFORE MAY 1966, CHIANG CH'ING HAD PROPOSED TO DO A STUDY 0N THE PPOBLEM OF LITERATURE AND ART IN THE PLA. LIN PIAO SUPPORTED THIS PPOPOSAL AND INSTRUCTED THE RESPONSIBLE OFFICIALS CONCERNED IN PLA HEADQUARTERS THAT MAO'S WIFE HAD A DEEP UNDERSTANDING OF MAO'S THOUGHT, THAT SHE WAS AN EXPERT IN THE CULTURAL FIELD, AND THAT SHE WAS TO BE GIVEN EVERY POSSIBLE ASSISTANCE.  IN MARCH 1966 IN SHANGHAI, CHIANG CH’ING CONVENED A SYMPOSIUM ON THE PROBLEM OF LITERATURE AND ART IN THE PLA WHICH LASTED EIGHTEEN DAYS.  SHE VISITED PLA MOVIE STUDIOS, SCREENED SOME TWENTRY-TWO MOVIES, AND DISCUSSED THE PROBLEMS WITH CADRES FROM THE POLITICAL DEPARTMENTS OF VARIOUS MILITARY AREAS. AT THE CONCLUSION OF THE SYMPOSIUM, SHE WROTE A DRAFT REPORT WHICH UNDERWENT REVISION FIRST BY CH'EN PO-TA AND THEN BY MAO TSE-TUNG AFTER WHICH SHE SUBMITTED THE REPORT TO LIN PIAO FOR HIS APPROVAL.  LIN APPENDED A RECOMMENDATORY COMMENT TO THE REPORT AND SENT IT TO HO LUNG, HSU HSIANG-CH'IEN, YEH CHIEN-YING, AND HSIAO HUA FOR THEIR C0MMENTS. AFTER THEY READ IT, THE REPORT WAS ISSUED IN THE NAME OF THE PLA POLITICAL DEPARTMENT. M0ST OF THE REPORT DISCUSSED PROBLEMS OF LITERATURE AND ART WITHIN THE PLA AND CONCLUDED WITH THE PROPOSAL THAT THE PLA USE MAO TSE-TUNG'S ESSAY ON TALKS AT THE YENAN FORUM AS A GUIDE FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CRM IN THE LITERATURE AND ART FIELDS. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE DOCUMENT WAS ITS REFUTATION OF LO JUI-CH'ING AND YANG CH'ENG-WU'S CONTENTION THAT THERE WAS N0 PROBLEM OF CLASS STRUGGLE IN THE PLA AND SO NO PROBLEM IN THE CULTURAL FIELD.  LO CONTENDED THAT NO WRITERS IN THE PLA HELD BOURGEOIS CONCEPTS THUS NO PROBLEM EXISTED. THIS VIEW REFUTED MAO-S CONCEPT OF THE EXISTENCE OF CLASS STRUGGLE AND THE NEED TO CONTINUE THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE. CHIANG CH'ING'S REPORT STATED THAT WITHIN THE PLA THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE TWO CLASSES CONTINUES AND SO REVOLUTION IN THE CULTURAL FIELDS MUST BE CARRIED OUT.

9. FIELD DISSEM: CINCPAC   PACFLT   ARPAC   PACAF.

COPY
Lyndon Baines Johnson Library

出处:美国政府解密档案参考系统DDRS-204943








2015年8月1日星期六

1969.8.1两名误闯中国海域的美国船员被中共抓获、关押、审讯、释放

以下内容译自港英政治部(情报机构)的报告:
19693月,23岁的美国退伍海军士兵Timothy Pierson在香港购买了一艘改造过的救生艇"EILEAN DUBH"号,打算经由台湾、日本把船开回美国,他还从加州叫来同岁的女青年Hinkle作为助手同行。714日早上9点他们从香港出海试航,不幸的是到晚上915分就撞上一艘未开灯的货船,导致桅杆受损,Pierson决定立刻返回香港。但他显然是迷航了,闯入属于中国大陆当局的海域,到715日下午1点钟被中共一艘武装船只拦截,并被拖到一个名叫To Ning的小岛,直到723日被放回香港,期间他们被扣留在自己的船上,食物也是靠船上原有的补给。
由于缺少合适的翻译,审讯在716日才开始,PiersonHinkle被分开审讯,此后直到21日他们俩每天都被一起审讯一次,双方态度还比较友好,他俩也按照审讯者的要求实话实说,坦诚是无意中闯入大陆海域的。船只多次被彻底检查,船上的收音机、录音机也被带走检查,不过他俩没有被搜身。审讯者虽然谴责了美帝国主义和苏联修正主义,不过没有详细展开,也没有试图洗脑这两位美国青年。
722日这两人被要求写坦白书,承认闯进中国海域,关押期间受到人道对待,承诺下不为例。坦白书修改多次方告完成。723日早上PiersonHinkle应公安的要求,签下了退还给他们护照、设备、航图等物品的收据,并写下出海申请。随后大陆当局派军人护送他俩乘自己的船只到达Mirs Point,然后军人换船离开,他俩驾船重回自由。
考虑到大陆当局的通讯落后及事事请示上级的特点,此次2名误闯中共国海域的美国人仅被扣留8天,算是时间很短的了。

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CONFIDENTIAL
           Ref:  GEN/13/443/1                    SpeciaL Branch,
                                             Royal Hong Kong Police
                                              1st August, 1969.

THE ARREST AND DETENTION OF
TIMOTHY ALAN PIERSON AND DEBREANA CHRISTINE HINKLE
BY THE CHTNESE PEOPLE'S GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES
WHEN THEY WERE SAILING THEIR BOAT,
THE "EILEAN DUBH" OUTSIDE COLONY WATERS
                               
INTRODUCTION

Mr. PIERSON, 23 years, unemployed, an American citizen and holder of U.S.A. Passport No. Z989073, issued in Hong Kong on the 29th May, 1969, arrived in Hong Kong on 6th March,1969. Shortly after his arrival in the Colony he purchased a converted lifeboat, the "EILEAN DUBH", with the eventual intention of sailing it back to the United States, via Taiwan and Japan.
2. Debreana Christine HINKLE, 23 years, an unemployed American citizen and holder of U.S.A. Passport No. G269235, issued in San Luis, Obispo, California on the 14th April, 1966, arrived in Hong Kong on 6th June, 1969.  She came to Hong Kong to assist PIERSON to sail his boat to the U.S.A.

THE EVENS DURING THE PERIOD 14th - 23rd JULY, 1969

Passage to Pedro Blanco
3.     At 0900 hours on the 14th July, PIERSON and HINKLE left Hebe Haven Yacht Club on a trial cruise, under sail, to Pedro Blanco (Lat. 22°19'N Long. 115° 7' 18" E).  Their cruise proceeded without incident, until 2115 hours when they collided with a three masted Hok Lo trading junk (position unknown, PIERSON being unable to fix his position or estimate his distance covered) that was running without lights.  The junk did not stop and the "EILEAN DUBH" sustained damage to her bowsprit and mast. Immediately after the collision PIERSQN decided to return to Hong Kong and proceeded, on a course of 270° (T), at approximately four knots, until O400 hours on the 15th July, 1969.  At this time PIERSON thought that he was off the Nine Pin group (Grid ref: KV 2663) and hove-to, to wait for daybreak, before proceeding further. At 0600 hours the "EILEAN DUBH" resumed a course of 270° (T), PIERSON then reckoned his position to be south of San Men (Grid ref: KV 5783), but discovered later that it was somewhere south-west of Fo Kai Point (Grid ref: KV 8496).

Interception by the Communist Authorities
4.    At 1300 hours on the 15th July, 1969 the "EILEAN DUBH" was stopped by a Chinese junk, armed with a "50 calibre" machine gun mounted forward, and manned by eight armed men, who were dressed in blue trousers, khaki jackets with red collar flashes, and wearing khaki caps with red star badges (type unknown).  The "EILEAN DVBH" was quickly boarded by two of the men and taken in tow by the junk.  The reason for stopping and boarding was not explained to the Americans as none of the junk's crew could speak English. After an hour's tow, at a speed of between 6 and 7 knots they arrived at To Ning Island (Grid ref: KV 5686), where the "EILEAN DUBH" was secured alongside the escort junk, which was itself moored alongside several other boats at the quay.

Detention at To Ning Island
5.    At To Ning, the "EILEAN DUBH" was boarded by several other members of the crew of the armed junk, who, using a young boy as an interpreter, questioned PIERSON and HINKLE regarding their identities and destination.  They were also informed that they had been detained by members of the local Public Security Force (probably Public Security Bureau).  As the young boy was only barely able to make himself understood, PIERSON and HINKLE were questioned only briefly, and for the rest of the day they were kept below decks on their own vessel under guard.  During the night the Public Security Bureau guard left the "EILEAN DUBH" and maintained a watch from the junk alongside, occasionally flashing a torch through the porthole of the Americans' vessel, to ensure that everything was correct.

Interrogation
6.    At about 0900 hours on the 16tn July, 1969, the Americans' boat was boarded by an interrogation team consisting of:
(a)  An interrogator - apparently a civilian who appeared to be in charge;
(b)  An interrogator - apparently an army officer; and
(c)  An interpreter.

7.      PIERSON and HINKLE, who were interrogated separately and in a friendly manner, were advised to tell the truth and give a full account of their antecedents and reasons for entering Chinese waters. This they did, explaining that their intrusion into Chinese waters was as a result of an error in navigation, on their part.  The interrogation periods lasted from 1 1/2 to 3 hours at a time and both PIERSON and HINKLE were interrogated once a day between the 16th and 21st July, either aboard their own boat or aboard the junk to which they were secured.  At one interrogation session PIERSON admitted previous service in the United States Navy between 1963 and 1966, aboard the U.S.S. Providence, a guided missile cruiser.  He told his interrogators that he was a seaman aboard the ship and the matter was not pursued.

8.    At the first interrogation session PIERSON and HINKLE handed over their passports as well as their vessel's log book and charts.  These were retained by the Chinese Authorities until shortly before their release.

9.      Other points of interest that arose during the period of their detention are:-
(a) On the 18th or 19th July, PIERSON and HINKLE were photographed aboard their boat.  Photographs were also taken of the interior of the vessel;
(b)   A portable radio and tape recorder were removed for examination shortly after their arrival;
(c)   Their vessel was thoroughly searched on five or six occasions;
(d)   They were never interrogated late in the evening or at night; and
(e)   although imperialism and Soviet revisionism were briefly discussed and condemned by their interrogators, no attempt was made to indoctrinate them.

10.      On the 22nd July, 1969 both PIERSON and HINKLE were asked to write a confession admitting their intrusion into Chinese waters, acknowledging their good treatment during detention and promising not to repeat the offence.  This confession was re-written several times until its contents satisfied their interrogators.  A copy of the pen-ultimate draft is at annexure 'A'.

RETURN TO HONG KONG
 11.    At 0800 hours on the 23rd July 1969, the Americans were boarded by their interrogators and told to sign a receipt for their equipment, passports and charts, which were then all returned to them. At 0830 hours PIERSON was told to apply in writing to the Public Security Offices for permission to sail. This he did.

12.      At 1030 hours three 'Militiamen' replaced the Public Security Guard aboard their vessel.  PIERSON was told to get under way and escorted by a junk, was taken to a position off Mirs Point (Grid ref: KV 4285).  On arrival at Mirs Point, at 1200 hours, the junk came alongside the "EILEAN DUBH", removed the militiamen and allowed the Americans to go.  PIERSON then sailed the "EILEAN DUBH" to Hong Kong.  Just off Shelter Island (Grid ref: KV 2171) he was sighted by Police Marine Launch No. 37 which escorted him to Hebe Haven.

TREATMENT BY THE CHINESE AUTHORITIES
13.     PIERSON and HINKLE consider that they were reasonably well treated at To Ning Island.  They were neither medically examined nor required medical attention during their period of detention and although their boat was searched thoroughly they were not themselves subjected to a body search.  They were restricted to their own vessel and fed themselves from their own supplies.  They had no contact with the local inhabitants, who were obviously aware of their presence.

OBSERVATIONS IN TO NING
14.     PIERSON described the harbour, in which they were detained, as being similar to Hebe Haven (Pak Sha Wan). It was a natural harbour with a small village (population approximately 100).  At no time were there more than six to ten junks in the harbour and during the period of their detention they saw no military or naval craft.

15.     They saw no fortifications or military buildings in the area with the exception of a small, apparently unoccupied, blockhouse on a nearby hill. The only military seen (date unknown) were some thirty soldiers marching along a path on the other side of the bay.  On one day (date unknown) they heard small arms fire, from which they concluded that there may have been a practice range nearby.

COMMENT
16.      It would appear that the Chinese People's Government are constantly alert for the presence of foreign vessels in their territorial waters.  However, their attitude in this case seems to indicate that, subject to being quickly satisfied regarding intruders bona fides and motives, they will not detain them longer than necessary.  In this connection, eight days is a relatively short period considering communications difficulties and the need to seek a decision from higher authority.

出处:英国外交部档案FCO 21/553