2016年9月30日星期五

1969.10.1.获释荷兰海員讲述在上海监狱经历



Dutch Prisoners in Shanghai

Mr. Jacobovits of the Dutch Embassy called on 25 September with a further debriefing report of the Dutch seamen who have recently been released by the Chinese. In this case the seaman interviewed was Algra, who was arrested on 2 January this year. He was at first held for about a week in a tiny cell (1 1/2 metres x 2 metres) on the third floor of the Shanghai Prison. He was alone in his cell, which had no furniture. After about a week he was moved to a larger cell already occupied by three Chinese on the ground floor of the prison. Here there were bunks and prisoners were allowed ten minutes exercise per week in the small prison yard.  Food was very poor but extras could be bought by Algra from the prison canteen with money from a fund left by his ship's master for this purpose.  The Chinese prisoners were similarly aided by relatives. For five and a half months from the time of his arrest Algra was taken to an interrogation room for "investigations of his case". These all began with enforced bowing to a Mao portrait followed by study of Mao thought. The interrogations took place at irregular intervals and lasted varying lengths of time. Algra throughout maintained that he was drunk when he had shot at the bust of Mao on his ship but when after five and a half months he admitted that he had destroyed the bust because he disliked China the interrogations stopped and were never repeated. For a short time Algra was sent to a labour camp but no work at all was done in Shanghai Prison (apart from study of Mao thought). In spite of the extras from the prison canteen, Algra suffered from vitamin deficiency which after six and a half months became scurvy. The Chinese treated him for this and thereafter improved his conditions.

2.   Algra reported that in the cell across the courtyard opposite his own he had seen a European whom he described as short and stocky, who wore a dark blue uniform in winter and white shirt, shorts and socks in summer. He had no chance of making contact with him, however, Algra estimated from the special food that was brought round on the trolley that there were several other Europeans in the jail which otherwise held a thousand prisoners. Algra saw no other Europeans other than the one mentioned and indeed did not know of the presence of his colleague Revier in the same prison until they found themselves on the same train together bound for Canton.  (On this train they were provided with excellent food including large quantities of fruit and eggs.)

3.   I have informed Mr. Thomas of MacGregor, Gow and Holland in confidence of Algra's report of the other European he saw.  It seems likely that this was Crouch.
     (R. N. Dales)
Far Eastern Department
       1 October, 1969

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Far Eastern Department
(FEC 21C/4)                                            9 October, 1969.
   
Many thanks for your letter of 23 September about the release of the two Dutch merchant marine seamen.

2.  The Dutch Embassy here have been very helpful in passing on reports or the experience of the two seamen from the MFA in The Hague. I enclose a copy of a minute I wrote recording my latest conversation with Mr. Jacobovits of the Dutch Embassy, who passed on some very interesting details about the conditions the seamen had had to suffer in Shanghai Gaol. The other Dutchman, Revier, has also been interviewed.  He was kept in solitary confinement for almost two and a half months in a small cell but was then moved to a larger one shared with two Chinese (with whom he shared no common language).

3. The reports of both having seen from a distance another European are inconclusive. Revier described the man he saw as aged around forty, dressed in tropical "whites" and a slim but short- legged 1m. 60c. tall. The common feature of this description with that given by Algra is the tropical white uniform. It would seem likely from the fact that he also wore a blue uniform in winter that this man is a seaman. However, Tan Thomas of McGregor, Gow assures me that none of the rest of the description fits Crouch, who is over six feet tall.  Allowance could I suppose be made for the fact that Revier was looking down from his first floor cell on the man he describes while Algra only saw him through a cell window opposite.

    4. Tan Thomas has not learnt anything through his own channels, and, so far as we know, the photographs of Crouch, Barrymaine, and Johnson have not yet been shown to either of the two seamen.

5.  It would appear from Derksen's guarded comments to you about the treatment of the two seamen that he is not aware of the close co-operation between ourselves and the Dutch here!
(R. N. Dales)
To: J. N. Allan, Esq.,
PEKING.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
CONFIDENTIAL
Office of the British
Charge d' Affaires,
Peking.
23 September, 1969.

Please refer to your letter of 27 August to Roger Garside about the release of the two Dutch merchant marine seamen.

2.   I today called on the Dutch Charge d'Affaires and asked him about this. He claimed that he had as yet had no reports either from the Dutch Consul-General in Hong Kong or the MFA in the Hague. He had recommended to the latter that they interview Revier but had not so far heard whether this had been followed up.

3.  Having said this, Derksen then told me that the two men had been in separate cells with Chinese and that it was only when they were moved to Canton on their way to Hong Kong that they realised they were sharing the prison. So far as he knew, they had seen no other Europeans. Apparently they had a number of interrogations in prison. Their fellow prisoners taught them current Chinese songs and Revier apparently also had sessions reading Mao's thoughts. These remarks suggest that Derksen has in fact had quite a full report of the men's time in prison;  this is strange in view of para 2 above, but I suppose he may have got it indirectly from shipping sources.

4.  Derksen congratulated himself on his diplomatic technique in dealing with the arrested men. He said that he had suggested in his notes that the difficulty arose because the Shanghai authorities were being difficult and that he knew that the MFA were doing all they could and he was grateful to them. He apparently did not press for consular access. None of this is, I think, relevant to the final decision of the Chinese to release these men, but it is revealing so far as Derksen himself is concerned. He was obviously inordinately proud of what he regarded as his subtlety and saw no disadvantage in abasing himself with the Chinese.

5.   I enclose a spare copy of this letter in case you wish to pass it to the Hague.
J. N. Allan
R. N. Dales,Esq.,
FED, FCO.


出处:英国外交部档案FCO 21/511




1980.9.30美国駐華大使馆报告中共試圖安抚少数民族



BEIJIN 09637 010608Z
P R 300745Z SEP 80
FM AMEMBASSY BEIJING
TO SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7347

TAGS: PINT, CH
SUBJECT: COURTING THE MINORITIES

1. C - ENTIRE TEXT.

2. SUMMARY: OVER THE PAST MONTH BEIJING'S EFFORTS TO WIN THE HEARTS AND MINDS OF ITS NATIONAL MINORITIES HAS INCREASED, AMID INDICATIONS THAT CONDITIONS REMAIN UNSETTLED IN SOME AUTONOMOUS REGIONS. NATIONAL SECURITY IS ALMOST CERTAINLY AN IMPORTANT FACTOR IN CHINA'S INITIATIVES TOWARD ITS MINORITIES. END SUMMARY.

3. BEIJING IS FLUSH WITH MINORITY AFFAIRS AS IT REDOUBLES EFFORTS TO WIN THE HEARTS AND MINDS OF THOSE ALONG ITS DISTAN BORDERS. IN AN UNPRECEDENTED GESTURE, CHINA RECENTLY OPENED A MASSIVE CULTURAL FESTIVAL IN BEIJING FEATURING TROUPES REPRESENTATIVE OF ALL THE COUNTRY'S NATIONALITIES. THE MONTH-LONG EVENT COMES ON THE HEELS OF A PLENARY SESSION OF THE NPC'S MINORITY AFFAIRS COMMISSION. THIS BODY ADOPTED A NUMBER OF MEASURES DESIGNED TO IMPROVE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE BORDERLAND. IN THE KEYNOTE SPEECH TO THE PLENARY SESSION, A RANKING OFFICIAL OF THE COMMISSION CALLED FOR GREATER MINORITY REPRESENTATION IN TOP POSTS IN THE AUTONOMOUS REGIONS. HE ALSO INDICATED THAT MINORITY REGIONS WILL HAVE GREATER LEEWAY THAN OTHER PARTS OF CHINA IN CARRYING OUT ECONOMIC POLICY. AT THE NPC ITSELF, THE LEADERSHIP AVAILED ITSELF OF THE OPPORTUNITY TO SHOW ITS CONCERN FOR MINORITY DELEGATES' VIEWS, AND TO UNDERSCORE THE PRINCIPLE OF AUTONOMY. PERHAPS THE MOST VISIBLE GESTURE IN THIS REGARD WAS THE APPOINTMENT OF NATIONALITY AFFAIRS COMMISSION CHIEF WANG JINGREN TO THE RANKS OF THE VICE PREMIERS.

4. THIS FLURRY OF ACTIVITY CONTINUES AN EMPHASIS ON BETTERING THE LOT OF CHINA'S MINORITIES WHICH BEGAN LAST SPRING WHEN SECRETARY GENERAL HU YAOBANG AND VICE PREMIER WAN LI MADE A HIGLY PUBLCIZED TRIP TO TIBET. THERE ARE SEVERAL APPARENT REASONS FOR BEIJING'S NEW CONCERN FOR THE MINORITIES. IN A GENERAL SENSE, THE REFORMS ARE IN KEEPING WITH THE PRAGMATIC, MODERATE APPROACH TAKEN BY THE DENGIST LEADERSHIP IN OTHER POLICY AREAS. THE CHINESE MAY ALSO HOPE THAT BE EASING UP IN THE AUTONOMOUS AREAS, SOME ELEMENTS IN TAIWAN WILL BE ENCOURAGED TO CONSIDER CONTACTS WITH THE PRC.

5. MORE SPECIFICALLY, THE LEADERSHIP SEEMS TO BE REACTING TO RUMBLINGS OF UNREST AND THE POSSIBLITY THE SOVIETS COULD EXPLOIT MINORITY GRIEVANCES. SPORADIC DISTURBANCES HAVE BEEN AN ENDEMIC PART OF LIFE IN THESE AREAS OVER THE YEARS, BUT A RANKING OFFICIAL IN THE NATIONALITIES AFFAIRS COMMISSION, DURING A CALL AT HIS OFFICE, TOLD US THAT IN THE YEARS FOLLOWING THE FALL OF THE GANG OF FOUR, SOCIAL UNREST IN THE AUTONOMOUS REGIONS HAS WORSENED. HE WENT ON TO SAY THAT IN TIBET THE PLA IN THE PAST OFTEN DEALT ROUGHLY WITH THE LOCAL POPULACE. WE HAVE HEARD THAT THE AUTHORITES IN LHASA UNSUCCESSFULLY ATTEMPTED TO PERSUADE BEIJING TO CANCEL A RECENT VISIT TO TIBET BY WESTERN JOURNALISTS FROM HONG KONG. A MARK OF BEIJING'S CONCERN LIES IN ITS EFFORTS OVER THE PAST YEAR TO WOO THE DALAI LAMA AND HIS FOLLOWERS BACK TO TIBET. A MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OFFICIALS RECENTLY TOLD AN EMBASSY OFFICER THAT LONG TIME FIRST PARTY SECRETARY REN RONG WAS REMOVED FROM HIS POSITION LAST SPRING BECAUSE HE WAS TOO CLOSELY IDENTIFIED IN THE LOCAL POPULACE'S EYE WITH A RIGID POLICY TOWARD THE MINORITES. RECENT VISITORS TO TIBET GENERALLY RECOUNT SIMILAR STORIES ABOUT THE INSENSITIVITY OF HAN CADRE TOWARD THE TIBETANS.

6. XINJIANG IS ANOTHER AUTONOMOUS REGION THAT LATELY HAS BEEN PARTICULARLY TROUBLESOME FOR BEIJING. OUR CONTACT AT THE NATIONALITIES AFFAIRS COMMISSION CANDIDLY ADMITTED THAT SOME URBAN AREAS WERE SERIOUSLY UNSETTLED. HE ATTRIBUTED THESE CONDITIONS TO HIGH UNEMPLOYEMENT AMONG URBAN YOUTH AND "BAD ELEMENTS."

7. DEVELOPMENTS IN AFGHANISTAN AND INDOCHINA OVER THE PAST YEAR AND THE UNCERTAIN FUTURE OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS ALL MAY HAVE CONTRIBUTED TO A SENSE OF URGENCY ABOUT LOYALTIES ALONG THE BORDERS. A STAFFER AT THE MFA'S INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES TOLD US RECENTLY THAT NATIONAL SECURITY CONSIDERATIONS ARE CENTRAL TO AN UNDERSTANDING OF CHINA'S CURRENT EFFORTS TO REFORM ITS NATIONALITIES POLICIES.

ROY


出处:美国国务院电报



1960.9.30中共合肥市委转发基建部门节约粮食和减少口粮定量的情况报告

节约粮食成为政治任务,文中提到的拥护减少口粮者恐怕口是心非,要不然怎么会有那么多冒领粮食的手段呢,比如单位上对逃跑、请假不归、劳改和死亡者不销户以冒领粮食,轻劳力工报成重劳力工、小孩报成大人等。

出處:合肥市檔案館01-01-0147-017 
檔案全圖見https://twitter.com/ArchiveDaily/status/781712526132338688


2016年9月28日星期三

1965.9.28合肥市人民委员会来信办公室关于王少卿来信的查处报告

王称居委会和派出所因同他有私人恩怨而拒绝其妻崔某入户合肥市,却为下放职工丁某入户,王遂致信安徽省当局反映问题。合肥方面调查称崔某就是不符合入户条件,但愿意照顾她改为下乡插队,王家拒绝接受这种名变实不变的处理。


出處:合肥市檔案館015-01-0496-034

2016年9月25日星期日

1966.9.25合肥工交部文革情况反映增刊第7期



录入者按:红色标记系录入者所加。
合肥·二七事件是安徽省文革初期最有影响的事件,原由是826日合肥工业大学的学生模仿毛泽东85日《炮打司令部——我的一张大字报》在合肥闹市中心贴出《炮轰安徽省委司令部—— 造李葆华的反》的大字报(李葆华时任中共安徽省委第一书记),尚且不知道毛泽东号召造反的市民、工人、干部由此认为大学生们胆大包天,827日在官方的驱使下围攻殴打了学生。随后学生为纪念8.27事件,纷纷成立了八二七革命造反队,这就是文革中安徽主要造反派组织“八二七”兵团的前身。李葆华及安徽省领导习惯性地把以“八二七”命名的造反派视作反革命进行打击,但到9月下旬随着中共中央支持造反的势头越来越明显,李葆华只好口风转向要缓解与造反派的对立,说“八二七”造反派只是混进了坏人被操纵,而造反派大部分人是不明真相并且是想革命的。
下面这份材料讲了合肥工业交通系统十七级以上(及县处级以上)干部对于李葆华这种转变的不满情绪,所以作为增刊印发,而不是一般的情况反映。
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



情况反映
                                                                                            内部材料
                                                                                           供领导参考
                                                                (增七)
中共合肥市委工交政治部编                                    1966925

十七级以上干部讨论葆华同志报告的反映

二十四日下午听过葆华同志报告以后,大多数单位当晚回去就进行了漫谈讨论。二十五日,各单位都安排一天时间进行讨论。
到会同志普遍反映说:葆华同志这个报告很及时,很正确,我们听了以后,思想开窍了,心情开朗了,进一步明确了方向,理解了政策,鼓午了斗志,增强了信心。报告对全省无产阶级文化大革命运动,将起很大推动作用。许多同志反映说:葆华同志在报告中对全省文化革命形势的分析和估价是正确的、适当的,是符合我省情况的。报告中提出的今后意见,是符合十六条精神的,是符合毛泽东思想的,我们热烈拥护坚决贯彻执行。我们一定要掌握运动的大方向,把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底。
讨论中,大家对葆华同志在报告中提出的八点要求,反映十分强烈,也有的同志提出了一些不同的看法。

(一)
房产局党委付书记任泽亭同志、付局长李孝友同志说:葆华同志的报告主题明确,态度明朗,是一个很好的报告。报告中对安徽省和合肥市文化大革命的分析和估价是完全正确的。我们合肥地区和全省各地一样,大方向是对的,主流是好的,运动发展是正常的、健康的。安徽省委和葆华同志本人处处“敢”字当头;大胆放手发动群众,遇到问题能挺身而出,在处理学生闹事问题上,既能按政策办事,又态度谦虚诚恳,这只有共产党人才能做到,这是无产阶级政治家的气魄,对我们启发很大,教育很深。
合肥针织厂文革主任、五好工人汪玉然和文革付主任赵家堂等同志说:听了葆华同志的报告,明确了当前运动的形势,弄清了情况,使我们思想认识一下开朗了。前些时候,我们一提“八·二七造反队”就恨死了,认为都是一伙坏蛋。听了葆华同志的报告,我们才发觉我们缺乏用两分法看问题。“八·二七革命造反队”中真正的坏蛋,只是在里面操纵的一小撮资产阶级右派分子,大多数同学是要革命的,我们要区别对待,不能採取一律反对的态度,只有这样,才能团结教育大多数。我们要按省委指示去做,团结一切革命同志、革命师生,共同对敌。同时,我们工人要响应中央和省委号召,坚守生产岗位,一手抓革命,搞好本企业的文化大革命运动,一手抓生产,保证完成国家计划,做到抓革命,促生产,革命、生产双胜利。
皖安机械厂、合肥化工厂的同志说:省委提出的关于缓和“八·二七革命造反队”的对立情绪的八点要求是正确的,是符合十六条精神的。为了正确处理人民内部矛盾,为了集中力量打击一小撮反党反社会主义右派分子,我们应尽力团结大多数,争取大多数,逐步消除对“八·二七革命造反队”的对立情绪,省委提出这样做是对的。我们坚决按照省委指示去办。电线厂工作队党委书记谷浪同志说:目前形成的工农群众和“八·二七革命造反队”的对立情绪,主要责任应在“八·二七”,因他们违背了十六条,攻击我们无产阶级革命司令部——安徽省委,打人骂人,所以很不得人心,引起广大群众的反感。现在他们又蓄意找借口、制造“事件”。我们不能上他们的当。我们应该讲究斗争策略,对“八·二七”中一小撮别有用心的人和大多数被蒙蔽的人要区别对待,不能把所有“八·二七革命造反队”的人都戴上反革命的帽子。如不区别对待,就势必会打击一些要革命的学生。我们一定要按照省委指示办事,团结、争取大多数,集中力量打击一小撮资产阶级右派分子,和一小撮钻进党内的走资本主义道路的当权派。
建设局党委书记、局长陈衡同志说:省委提出的八条要求总的来讲提的正确,我们一定要照办。从我个人思想上来说,对有的条现在还领会不深,有的地方还没有完全想通。但是,我们要进一步学习领导这些指示,站得高些,看得远些,坚决执行省委的指示。江淮仪表厂的同志说:我们对中央的指示,理解的要执行,不理解的也要执行。我们坚决照省委指示去做。教育全厂职工,积极支持革命学生的革命行动,不要因枝节问题,影响大方向。要以十六条作为判断是非的标准,认真做到不主动参加学生的辩论会,不上街贴针对学生的大字报,不随便发传单,有不同意见向上级反映。以减轻和消除群众与“八·二七”的对立情绪。我们要教育职工坚守岗位,抓革命,促生产,保证革命、生产双丰收。

(二)
讨论中,也有的同志提出不同看法。
起重机厂有的同志说:葆华同志报告是正确的。我们坚决执行。但是,我们感到报告中对“八·二七革命造反队”提的不明确,态度不明朗,说“群众讲:‘八·二七’贴的大字报是反革命的,这是不对的”。这话群众有意见,对学生太迁就了,就这一点说,有点右倾。市政管理所韩树英同志说:葆华同志二十四日的报告,对“八·二七”问题吞吞吐吐,顾虑重重,我看是有“三怕”,一怕中央罢官;二怕学生闹事;三怕批评群众,真批评了,又会脱离左派。毛主席教导我们要针锋相对,省委不叫我们辩论,不叫写大字报,这是否符合毛泽东思想。我们不贴大字报,他们就要占领阵地,不就让错误思想自己泛滥了吗葆华同志说:“八·二七”是不是革命的,要群众鑑别,又不给辩论,怎么来鑑别和下结论呢
不少同志反映说:“八·二七革命造反队”无论如何不能说是革命的组织。他们的大方向是错误的,他们的言行是违背毛泽东思想、违背十六条的。他们不要党的领导,“一轰”“再轰”三千万人民爱戴的省委,污蔑毛主席,反对革命群众给党中央毛主席报喜,殴打工农群众,这都是反革命的行为。中央要工农群众支持革命学生的革命行动。“八·二七”的人不是革命学生,行动也不是革命的哦行动。革命的我们就支持,不革命的我们当然要反对。
手工业局党委付书记章凯同志说:省委对参加辩论问题,印发传单问题,提出种种限制,我看是不利于宣传贯彻毛泽东思想,不利于发动群众,不利于打击敌人。这样种种限制,说明领导上把工农兵马列主义水平和政治觉悟估计的太低。起重机厂党委书记徐建章同志说:省委不叫干部上街辩论,一不符合党章精神,党章要每个共产党员都不要隐瞒自己的观点;二不符合毛主席号召我们每个人都要关心国家大事的精神;三不符合十六条大鸣大放、大字报、大辩论的精神
有的同志说:葆华同志不叫写大字报是给革命群众泼冷水,我怀疑叫干部不上街,不要辩论,应不应该向下传达。

(三)
讨论中大家也提出了一些建议。
起重机厂党委书记徐建章同志说:要避免上大街辩论,建议省、市委考虑一下,是否仿照上海的办法,指定一个公园或专门找一个地方作为辩论的场所,这样就不致影响交通安全、商店营业和机关的正常办公。或者采用南京专门设若干辩论台的办法,来解决辩论场所的问题。
房产局杜忠武同志说:学生思想问题多,建议省、市委加强对学校的领导。要下决心派一批得力干部去加强学校领导,要加强对学生的政治思想教育。
塑料厂的同志说:目前正是农村秋收秋种大忙季节,各地大、中学生都下乡支援三秋。合肥地区应很好组织学生下乡劳动锻炼,教育他们向贫下中农学习,改造他们的世界观。


出处:合肥市档案馆001-04-0098-0021
照片全图见https://twitter.com/ArchiveDaily/status/780133477941469184


2016年9月24日星期六

1958年9月24日中共安国县委关于合作化情况的汇报


关于合作化情况的汇报
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(一)
我县是老区,党的组织和群众工作基础較强。自1950年全县生产即达到了战前水平,随着生产的恢复与发展,1951年开始了办组、办社,当年40%的农戶参加了互助组,并試办了三个小型农业生产合作社。1952年入社农戶达到65%,社发展到28个,1953年随着总路线的宣传贯彻,和粮食统购统銷政策的实施,农村中发生了巨大的变化,使农业合作化运动向前跃进了一大步,发展到319社,1954年即出现了农业合作化的第一个高潮。新建与扩建了1067个农业社。1955年冬认真贯彻了毛主席[关于合作化问题]的报告和七届六中全会决议精神,給予了我们很大鼓舞,由于坚持了放手发动群众的方针,批判了党内、外的右傾保守思想,和資本主义自发势力,鼓舞了农民特別是贫农和下中农积极办社的勇气。在短短的时间内我县同全国各地一样既实现了完全社会主义的农业合作化。百分之百的农戶分别加入了29个大型合作社,平均每社1880戶。大社建成后,就大大发挥了高级合作化的优越性,战胜了水、旱灾害,获得了空前未有的大丰收,并出现了可喜的万斤薯、八百斤谷、四百斤棉的大面积丰产典型。虽然我们取得了农业战线的丰收胜利,但是由于缺乏办社及组织大生产的领导经验,当时为进一步发展生产,适合干部的领导水平和群众的思想水平,1956年冬,我们又本[有利生产,便于领导和团结联系群众]的精神,又划为125个社。几年来,由于社组织规模的多次变更,和连继续的整顿巩固,农业社的组织和经营管理等方面也不断得到了改善与提高。自办社—开始,就展示了社的优越性,特別是高级合作化以后增产更为显著,工作方面并没出现马安形。1956年以前至1952年亩产评价在三百斤左右,比1952以前亩产提高30%1956年在历年未有的水灾情况下,还获得了平均均亩产234.7斤较好收成1957年经过苦干一年,亩产达到了464.9,比1956年亩产提高54%。从此,由历年缺粮县变成了余粮县,卖给国家2600万斤.1954年还有40个缺粮社,28个自足社,而1957年确有86个社(占总社的68%赶上或超过了富裕中农生产生活水平。并归还国家贷款161万元,扩大公共积累400万元,大大改变了农业社的面貌)。在丰收的鼓舞下,1957年经过苦干一冬大战百天,在取得夏季491斤的基础上,一年来经过社员苦干,根据目前各项作物生長的情况,予计全年亩产平均能达到3270斤,皮棉200斤,花生748,这个计划实现后,1957亩产提高6.5。以上三项折款计算共计16600万元,按83%扣留,下余17%分给社员,每人还平均80

(二)
在党中央、省地委的正确领导下,由于我们充分利用与发挥了合作化的优越性,使农业生产获得了飞速度的发展,使农村面貌换然一新,工农业生产同时跃进,所有这些新的形势,原来的小社已远远赶不上工农业生产高速度发展的需要,全县1179个生产队,自动并成了376个大队,八月初各乡就开始酝酿办大社,特别是毛主席来我县视察工作后,更鼓舞了干部、群众办公社,搞好生产的信心和决心,原火庄乡徐辛庄全村2270余名社员,申请要求党委会办成一乡一社,伍仁桥乡群众自动游行要求党委批准他们办公社。鉴于这种情况,县委经几次研究,根据干部群众的心愿和本[有利生产,便于领导]的精神,全县划为7个人民公社,计划制定后,广大干部社员于827日以无比喜悦的心情敲锣打鼓,万民欢庆正式建成了先鋒、卫星、红星、红旗、火箭、旭光等7个人民公社,每社平均11012户,49655人,土地12万亩,共有3500户的大队165个,下社有专业队789个,在社的组织形式上,是分社合一。(1)社员代表大会,也是人民委员会,负责决定重大事务。代表大会的代表包括工农商学兵,名额120人至150人,(2)社管理委员会委员25人至35人,推选常委79人处理日常工作。(3)委员会下设一个办公室、八个部,两个委员会。农业部负责农田水利工作。工交部:负责交通、工业、邮电工作。财政部:负责税收、信贷和社内账目。多种经济部:负责林业、畜牧、养魚等工作。文教卫生部:负责人民教育、文化娱乐、卫生等工作。供銷服务部:负责社内生产和社员消费资料的供应,土特产的收购、推銷、粮食管理工作。民政福利部:负责拥军优撫,轉业军人的安置,社员福利,如食堂、幸福院、幼儿院、调节民事纠纷,负责社员婚丧嫁娶等事务。武装公安部:負责民兵管理和兵役治安保卫,户口转移等工作。各部设部长、干事—至二人。经济计划委员会:负责各方面的规划和统计工作。科学技术委员会:负责研究推广技术工作。党內的组织除组织部、宣传部以外其余6个部均予社內合併。党的监察委员会与社的监察委员会合併。另外社内建立团的组织和妇女组织。民兵基干团,凡年满12岁至25岁的男性公民,复员军人至35岁,妇女1725岁,社建营,大队建连,专业队设排,达到组织军事化,生产战斗化,人人皆兵的目的
公社建成后对产生的富村与穷村,集体与个人的矛盾和其他社員认为大平均[合大摊]的誤解,以及分配等方面的问题,通过鸣放辩论等方法及时进行了解決,为了划清政策界限,根据社会主义过渡的分配原则,分别加以进行了解决,(1)分配问题认真贯彻了奖励积极和多劳多得的原则,对今年的秋收分配,采取由大社统一扣留,仍以原小社为单位进行分配。对今年的生产账采取大清大结的方法,凡是折价归公的价款尚未偿还完的,以及社员的投资,社内贷款等债务,完全有大社负责,今年的生产投资仍由原小社负责。(3)对大母牲畜农具、自留地等生产資料,应归集体所有,并明确那村工具和较大的生产资料(如机器)胶轮车等仍由本村使用,一律不作外调。(4)对社员的房屋、院中和宅旁的小片地和零星树木或果树仍归私有。(5)对社员个人喂的猪、羊、鸡、鸭、鹅、兔及其他小家禽和社员的自行車、收音机、手表、衣服、被褥等生活资料一律归社员私有。这样处理后,很快解除了怀疑,稳定了情绪,启发了社员的生产积极性。

(三)
公社建成后如何领导和管理还是一个很重要的问题,为了进一步巩固提高人民公社的质量,目前我们抓住了以下几方面的工作进行整顿和巩固。首先加强全党全民的政治思想領导,提高共产主义觉悟,巩固办好人民公社。公社建成后穷村和富村,个人与集体等方面的矛盾和思想虽然得到解决,但由于这是一个新的社会制度的改革,广大干部、社员的思想,并不是教育一两次所能完全解决問題,右倾保守,资本主义的思想,总是不时的反映出来。因次我们结合今冬明春农村社会主义和共产主义的教育运动,除反复宣传贯彻人民公社的好处,意义和各项政策外,并根据不同的思想,及时组织大鸣大放大辩论,为了把思想工作转向經常,规定继续推行爱社检查日,以大队为单位总结检查本月工作开展合理化建议,半月以专业队为单位开一次社员生活檢討会。同时并民主制定爱社公约,大力推行四大纪律(行动军事化、田间管理工厂化、思想共产主义、工作群众路线化)十大注意,即破迷信,解放思想,大搞创造,生产计划要先进,水利消灭旱涝灾,年年土地大翻身,密植保证得高产,肥料一定要施足,彻底解放老动力,勤俭节约办一切事业,努力提高政治文化水平,劳动生产有节奏。从而不断克服社员右倾保守思想,树立人人为我,我为人人高度的共产主义思想,把社巩固办好。
2.改进社的经营管理,普遍推行供给制。随着这一新形势,根据我县今年夏秋空前丰收和广大干部社员政治思想觉悟的提高,和“四化”“两院”的实现,及生产的稳定,基本解除旱涝病虫的情况下,我们在全县普遍推行了供给制。按保证产量3270斤計算(包括多种经济的收入)全县总收入16600万元。按83%扣留后,下余17%分配給社员,每人还平均收入80元,达到了当地富裕中农和工人生活水平。具体分配办法是:粮食按国家供应标准和本社增产情况,一般掌握400斤至450斤,由社扣留,社员用飯无价供应,菜金也由社负责,每人每月平均伙食费5元,大人多些,小孩少些。布疋根据国家供应标准(每人1.4丈)和社员实际需要,包括衣服、被褥、鞋、袜、每人平均5.8元,另外穰子费每人二元,社员的福利费,包括菜费、电影、书报完全由社负责,另外根据劳动态度,每个社员包括老年、儿童、青年、壮年、学生平均津貼费2元,为了全面安排社员的生活,老年、儿童、学生、产院都分別建立了食堂,目前我们虽推行了这一新社会主义过渡的分配办法,但仅仅是开始,还很不巩固,因此,各级均抽出了一名书記和农业、財政部加强这一工作的具体领导,使这一新的制度办的更好更巩固。
3.加强具体的组织领导,使社的质量不断巩固与提高。公社建成后,我们计划组成一个县联社,从县到乡把工农商学兵结合—体,组织的确定,人员的设置,怎样领导,来适应当前这一新的形势,还是—个很重要的问题。因此,我们为办好公社怎样领导,例为各级党委的议事日程,加强研究,摸索经验,及时改进,使社的组织形式,进一步适合当前形势的需要,使人民公社的组织不断改进与提高。

出处:安国县档案馆《中国共产党安国县委各项工作情况介绍文件汇编(重要文件) 一九五八年》
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